Galapagos Islands  Contents  Source  Whalesite

ILLUSTRATIONS.

considered by them criminal; but on the contrary, attaches to them respect and consideration. Whether the two females, of which I am now speaking, would have carried their complaisance so far, I had not an opportunity at that time of knowing, but circumstances afterwards, which gave me a further knowledge of the females of the Group, gave me no reason to doubt a willingness on their part to gratify every wish: but if there was any crime, the offence was ours, not theirs: they acted in compliance with the customs of their ancestors; we departed from those principles of virtue and morality which are so highly esteemed in civilization. For the honour of every person under my command, from whom a correct deportment might be expected, I feel happy in the assurance that none indulged in that indiscriminate intercourse, every facility to which was offered them; each confined himself to one object, and she of the best family and rank. This was as much perhaps, as the most zealous celibiate would have required from men all healthy, youthful and amorous, who had scarcely seen a female for more than a year. But I am anticipating events; I am apologizing before there seems cause for apology. I shall resume the thread of my narrative, and let every one judge for himself.

      The canoes of these people are not so perfect in their construction as I had expected to find; yet they have much labour and no doubt time expended in their formation, considering the tools with which they were for the most part constructed. Iron they know the use of; but from their desire to possess a few pieces of old iron hoop, its scarcity was evident. It is therefore highly probable that they were formed with tools made of stones or of such as could be made with the scraps of iron which it is possible they may have received from transient visitors: for as it does not appear that they are furnished with any articles of trade it is not likely that tools of more value have been furnished them. These vessels are generally about forty feet in length, thirteen inches wide, and eighteen inches deep: they are formed of many pieces of the breadfruit tree cut into the form of planks and sewed together by a sinnet made of the fibres of the outside shell of the cocoa-nut, and the seams are covered inside and out with strips of bamboo sewed to the edge of each plank to keep in a stuffing of oakum made of the same material as the sinnet, which does not prevent them from

leaking sufficiently to give constant employment to one or two persons to bail the water out of them. The keel consists of one piece which runs the whole length, and is hollowed out in the form of a canoe, and seems to stiffen the whole vessel and keep it straight. Three pieces of thin plank, placed in the manner of partitions, divide the interior into four parts, and perform the office of timbers to keep the vessel from separating or closing together, and outriggers from the bow, middle and stern, with a long piece of light wood secured to the extremity of each, keep them from upsetting, which from their narrowness would frequently happen were it not for this contrivance. The ornamental part consists of a flat prow, which projects about two feet, and is rudely carved on the upper surface, to represent the head of some animal, and most probable a man: sometimes there is attached to it a small board, supported by a rudely carved figure of a man. From the stern is a slender projection of six or eight feet in length, and in the form of a sleigh runner, or the fore part of a Holland skate. Their paddles are very neatly made, of a hard black wood highly polished; their handles are slender, the blades of an oval form, broadest toward the lower part, and terminating in a point like a hawk's bill. They were all without sails, and did not appear to be managed with much skill or dexterity. At some of the coves I saw the frames of boats of a different construction, set up shorter and wider than the canoes, and in shape somewhat similar to the common whale boat; but I saw no such vessel in use among those who visited the ship.

      Toward sunset I passed the western part of the island and had a view of a bay, which makes in, after rounding some islets, which appeared to afford good anchorage, secure against the prevailing winds, with a smooth landing. The valley which extended from the head of it, had the appearance of great fertility, and several houses were interspersed among the clusters of trees, and the whole had a very agreeable and inviting appearance, but no natives or canoes were observable: and it is probable that, intimidated by the number of vessels in sight, they had all left their residence and retired to the other side of the island

red cliff of rocks, the only one to be seen; and the point forming with the Rocky Island, the E. side of the entrance of the bay, is marked from its summit to the water's edge, by a remarkable white streak, which, at a distance, bears the appearance of a sheet of water, tumbling from the rocks: this mark can be seen from a great distance; and is a never failing guide to the harbour's mouth. Between each of the aforesaid small islands, and the main island, is passages only for small boats; and as they seemed placed by nature, for the protection of the port, when considered either as affording shelter from the winds and sea, or as suitable situations for batteries, I shall hereafter call them the Centinels.

      On entering the bay I rounded the E. Centinel, within one and a half ship's length of the shore, and obtained sounding in thirty-five fathoms water, clear, sandy bottom: the water was perfectly clear, no danger was to be seen; the wind was blowing out of the harbour; and I believed it to be of sufficient width, to enable us to work up to the bottom of the bay, which appeared to be about four miles deep. I was soon, however, convinced that I was deceived in my calculations; for although there was sufficient room, had the breeze been steady to have worked up, yet it was impracticable to do so, from the flaws so frequently changing their direction; and at one moment blowing fresh, while the next would prove a dead calm, and thus render a ship perfectly unmanageable with her sails: I therefore, let go the anchor at the mouth, in thirty fathoms water, to wait for a more favourable time for running in, and directed my prizes to lay off and on the port until we could get the frigate secured. Shortly after anchoring, we discovered a boat coming from the shore, with three white men in her, one of whom was perfectly naked, with the exception of a cloth about his loins; and as his body was all over tattooed, I could not doubt his having been a long time on this, or some other island. I supposed them to be seamen, who had deserted from some vessels here, and under this impression would neither permit them to come along side of the ship, nor allow any person to have any conversation with them: my mind was prejudiced against them; I was provoked to find such characters, as I expected them to be, in a place where I had least expected to find any but the natives. I apprehended much trouble from them: and, in a moment,

of vexation, refused to answer their inquiries, and directed them to leave the ship. Several canoes had come out toward us; but on the whites joining them, they all paddled to the shore; and on their reaching the beach, considerable numbers of the natives assembled around them, armed with spears and clubs, and I felt somewhat apprehensive that I had committed an error, in not treating the strangers with more urbanity; for as I was desirous of establishing, with the natives, the most friendly intercourse, I was fearful my intentions might be frustrated, by their representations, and the unfavourable impressions they might be enabled to make on their minds. Therefore to correct my error, as soon as possible, if I had committed any, I directed four boats to be manned and armed, and with a party of marines I proceeded for the shore. The beach was abandoned at our approach; but on landing, I was met by one of the persons who had come off in the boat: and to my great astonishment, I discovered him to be a midshipman of the United States navy, named John M. Maury, who had left the United States on furlough, with lieutenant Lewis for Canton, in the ship Pennsylvania Packet; from which place he sailed for this island, to procure sandal wood. Here he remained several months; and after procuring his cargo, sailed for Canton, leaving Mr. Maury with a party, and the remainder of his stock of trade, to collect a cargo for him against his return: he had been expected in about two months; but the news of the war, of which we brought the first accounts here, destroyed all expectations of again seeing him: and as Mr. Maury and his party saw no other prospect of getting away, he requested me to take them on board. To this I consented, provided lieutenant Lewis should not return before my departure. The man before spoken of, who came off to the ship naked was named ______ Wilson, an Englishmen by birth. He had been for many years among the group of Marquesas, as well as the islands of Washington's Group. He spoke their language with the same facility as his own, and had become in every respect, except in colour, an Indian. The looks of Wilson had strongly prejudiced me against him; but I soon discovered him to be an inoffensive, honest, good-hearted fellow, well disposed to render every service in his power, and whose only failing was a strong attachment to rum. Wilson soon became a great favourite

with me; as well as every other person. He became indispensably necessary to us; and without his aid I should have succeeded badly on the island. His knowledge of the people, and the ease with which he spoke their language, removed all difficulties in our intercourse with them; and it must be understood, in all relations of future interviews and conversations, which took place between me and the natives, that Wilson is the organ of communication, and the means by which we are enabled to understand each other: I shall, therefore, in future, deem it unnecessary to say, I was assisted by an interpreter; it must always be understood that I had one.

      On my jumping on shore, unaccompanied by any other persons, and walking up to a group of natives, who were assembled near the house where Mr. Maury resided, all their apprehensions seemed to cease: the women, who had retired to a distance, came down to join the male natives; and even the landing of the marines, as well as the rest of the party, did not seem to occasion any uneasiness among them. The drum appeared to give them much pleasure; and the regular movements of the marines occasioned much astonishment. They said they were spirits or beings of a class different from other men. I directed them to be put through their exercise; and the firing of the muskets occasioned but little terror, except among the women, who generally turned away their faces and covered their ears with their hands. The men and boys were all attention to the skipping of the balls in the water; but at every fire all habitually inclined their bodies, as if to avoid the shot, although behind the men who were firing. After remaining a short time with them, I distributed among them some knives, fish-hooks, &c. &c. which they received with much apparent pleasure; but no one offered, like the natives of the other island, any thing in return.

      Observing the mountains surrounding the valley to be covered with numerous groups of natives, I inquired the cause, and was informed that a warlike tribe residing beyond the mountains had been for several weeks at war with the natives of the valley, into which they had made several incursions, and had destroyed many houses and plantations, and had killed, by cutting around the bark, a great number of bread-fruit trees. I was also informed they had intended paying another visit that day; but it was supposed

they had been deterred by the appearance of the ships. I inquired if it were possible to get a message to them; and was informed that notwithstanding they were at war and showed no quarters to each other, there were certain persons of both tribes, who were permitted to pass and repass freely and uninterrupted from one tribe to another: such for example as a man belonging to one tribe who had married a woman belonging to the other. I inquired if any such were present; and one being pointed out to me, I directed him to proceed to the Happahs and to tell them that I had come with a force sufficiently strong to drive them from the island: and if they presumed to enter into the valley while I remained there, I should send a body of men to chastise them; to tell them to cease all hostilities so long as I remained among them; that if they had hogs or fruit to dispose of, they might come and trade freely with us, as I should not permit the natives of the valley to injure or molest them. To the natives of the valley (who listened attentively and with apparent pleasure to the message sent to the Happahs) I then addressed myself, and assured them that I had come with the most friendly disposition; that I wanted nothing from them but what I paid for: that they must look on us as brethren: and that I should protect them against the Happahs should they again venture to descend from the mountains. I directed them to leave at home their spears, slings, and clubs, (their only weapons of war) in order that we might know them from the Happahs; and told them that I should consider all as my enemies who should appear armed in my presence: assuring them at the same time, that there would be no necessity for their using those weapons, as I had not only the will and power to give them the most ample protection, but to chastise severely their enemies, unless they were governed by the advice I had given them. All listened with much attention: their spears and clubs were thrown on one side; and when I wished to assemble my officers and men to return on board, I perceived that they had formed with the female part of the community, an intimacy much closer than that which brotherly relationship gave them a title to: they had soon made themselves understood without any aid of interpreters; and had wandered to the houses or perhaps the bushes, which suited their purpose, as well to ratify their treaty, the negotiating of which neither cost them much time or trouble. The detachment of marines had remained with me;

all no doubt saw me on my guard against any attack of the natives; and the probability of my remaining so, perhaps made them perfectly easy as to their safety; or (which I think is just as likely,) every one saw an opportunity to indulge themselves, which had not for a long time presented itself; and all were determined to take advantage of it, at all hazards, even at the risk of violating every principle of subordination and obedience to orders. The women were inviting in their appearance, and practised all the bewitching language of the eyes and features, which is so universally understood; and if an allowance can be made for a departure from prudential measures, it is when a handsome and sprightly young girl of sixteen, whose almost every charm exposed to view, invites to follow her. Such was the case with the party with me: they abandoned prudence and followed only the dictates of nature. While I was using measures to get together my officers and men, my attention was drawn to an object, which at the moment had presented itself. A handsome young woman, of about eighteen years of age, her complexion fairer than common, her carriage majestic, and her dress better and somewhat different from the other females, approached. Her glossy black hair, and her skin was highly anointed with the cocoa-nut oil, and her whole person and appearance neet, sleek, and comely; on inquiry who this dignified personage might be, I was informed that her name was Piteenee, a grand-daughter to the chief, or greatest man in the valley, whose name was Gattanewa. This lady, on whose countenance was not to be perceived any of those playful smiles which enliven the countenances of the others, I was informed was held in great estimation, on account of her rank and beauty, and I felt that it would be necessary, from motives of policy, to pay some attentions to a personage so exalted. She received my advances with a coldness and hauteur which would have suited a princess, and repelled every thing like familiarity with a sternness that astonished me. Yet this lady, like the rest of the women of the island, soon followed the dictates of her own interest, and formed a connection with one of the officers, which lasted with but little fidelity on her part as long as we remained, showing herself on the whole a most notorious jilt. Gattanewa, I was informed at the time of my landing, was at a fortified village, which was pointed

out to me, on the top of one of the highest mountains. They have two of these strong places in this valley, one on the top of the aforesaid mountain, the other lower down the valley, and guarding one of the principal passes. The manner of fortifying those places, is to plant closely on end, the bodies of large trees, of forty feet in length, and securing them together by pieces of timber strongly lashed across, presenting on the brow of a hill, difficult of access, a breast-work of considerable extent, which would require European artillery to destroy. At the back of this a scaffolding is raised, on which is placed a platform for the warriors, who ascend by the means of ladders, and thence shower down on their assailants spears and stones. The one at which Gattanewa now was, is situated near a remarkable gap, cut through the mountain by the natives, to serve as a ditch or fosse, and must have required much labour in the execution: the other is more to the right, and as I before observed, lower down. I had no sooner understood that they had a chief, to whom I could address myself, than I felt anxious to see him: a messenger was therefore despatched for him; and after collecting my people I returned on board, where shortly after our arrival, I soon found every person anxious for the ship to be got into port and secured. Probably they had heard from those who had been on shore, of the friendly reception they had met with; and while I had some thoughts of putting to sea to wait a favourable opportunity to run in, application was made to warp the ship up, and in a few hours we had her secured in the bottom of the bay, on the starboard side, near a white sandy beach, and within half a mile of the shore. The Essex Junior had hove in sight about the time we commenced warping; but lieutenant Downes did not get his ship secured until late in the evening, when he came on board and informed me he had obtained no intelligence of the vessel I had sent him in pursuit of. The prizes did not get in and secured until next day.

      When the ship was moored, the shore was lined with the natives of both sexes; but the females were most numerous, waving their white cloaks or cahoes for us to come on shore. Many applications were made for me to permit them to accept the invitations, and I found it impossible any longer to resist. The boats were got out, and proceeded to the shore, where on landing, they

were taken complete possession of by the women, who insisted on going to the ship, and in a short time she was completely filled by them, of all ages and descriptions, from the age of sixty years to that of ten; some as remarkable for their beauty, as others for their ugliness. They all appeared to be of the most common kind, and many of them who had been in the habit of visiting ships, which had formerly been at this place, had been taught by the seamen, some few English words of the most indecent kind, which they pronounced too plain to be misunderstood.

      Indeed the ship was a perfect Bedlam from the time of their arrival until their departure, which was not until morning, when they were put on shore, not only with whatever was given them by all such as had shared their favours, but with whatever they could lay their hands on.

      The object of the greatest value at this as well as all the other islands of this group, is whales' teeth: this I had understood while I was on shore, and knowing that there were several of them on board the frigate, I determined if possible, to secure the whole of them at any price, as I had been informed that hogs, the only animal food on the island, could be procured for no other article. I succeeded in procuring nearly all on board, by paying for them at the rate of one dollar each; but few of them were of a sufficient size to make them of much value. I shall in all probability have occasion to speak of the strange infatuation of this people for this strange ornament, which is worn suspended to the neck, and sometimes is cut to form ornaments to the ears. No jewel, however valuable, is half so much esteemed in Europe or America, as is a whale's tooth here: I have seen them by fits laugh and cry for joy, at the possession of one of these darling treasures. Ivory, however finely wrought and beautiful in its kind, bears no comparison in their estimation. Ivory is worn by the lower and poorer classes, made into the form of whales' teeth, and as ear ornaments, while the whales' teeth is worn only by persons of rank and wealth. Some idea may be formed of the value in which they are held by the natives, when it is known that a ship of three hundred tons burthen, may be loaded with sandal-wood at this island, and the only object of trade necessary to procure it, is ten whales' teeth of a large size; and for these the natives will cut it,

bring it from the distant mountains, and take it on board the ship; and this cargo in China, would be worth near a million of dollars. I have seen this sandal-wood, that is so highly esteemed by the Chinese; (indeed their infatuation for it, falls little short of that of the natives for whales' teeth) it does not appear capable of receiving a high polish, nor is its colour agreeable; the odour arising from it is pleasant, and the principal uses to which the Chinese are said to apply it, is to burn it in their temples, and to extract from it an oil, which is said to be of great value.

      The warlike attitude of the Happahs, who still kept their station on the mountains, made me determine to wait a day or two before I commenced my repairs on the ship. I had understood, that there was a bay to leward, which might suit our purpose, where the natives who inhabited its valleys were at peace, but it was not represented to me as being so commodious as the one we now occupied, nor so easy of access and egress. I had not yet determined what place to form our encampment in, where we might land our water-casks, and pitch tents for our coopers, sail-makers, carpenters, and other workmen, all of which would be necessary in order to make the extensive repairs of which the ship stood much in want. I was apprehensive of engaging too precipitantly in the undertaking, lest the unforeseen difficulties I might encounter, should give me cause to regret my haste.

      The spot which appeared most suitable for our purpose, was a plain, at the back of the sandy beach, near where we lay. This plain was well shaded by bread-fruit and other trees, was destitute of inhabitants, and separated from the inhabited part of the valley by a hill, well suited for erecting a fort, as it completely commanded the whole bay, as well as every part of the valley. The place of which I now speak, as suited for our encampment, was situated between the two hostile tribes; and I was informed, that from some motives of religion, neither party had visited it since the war had commenced; and with the hope that they would continue to keep aloof from it, I determined within myself to fix on this spot, should I commence my repairs here. While I was deliberating on the subject, I was informed that Gattanewa had arrived, and to show my respect for the chieftain, as well as to convince him of my friendly disposition, I sent him on shore a fine large

English sow; this being, as I was informed, the most acceptable present I could make him, (excepting only a whale's tooth) as they are particularly desirous of improving the breed of that animal.

      Soon after I had sent my present on shore, Gattanewa came on board in a boat which I had sent for him, accompanied by Mr. Maury. I had seen several of their warriors since I had arrived, many of them highly ornamented with plumes, formed of the feathers of cocks and man-of-war birds, and with the long tail feathers of the tropic bird; large tufts of hair were tied around their waists, their aces, and their loins: a cloak, sometimes of red cloth, but more frequently of a white paper cloth, formed of the bark of a tree, thrown not inelegantly over the shoulders, with large round or oval ornaments in their ears, formed of whales' teeth, ivory, or a kind of soft and light wood, whitened with chalk; from their neck suspended a whale's tooth, or highly polished shell, and round their loins several turns of the stronger kind of paper-cloth, the end of which hangs before in the manner of an apron: this with a black and highly polished spear of about twelve feet in length, or a club richly carved, and borne on the shoulders, constitutes the dress and equipment of a native warrior, whose body is highly and elegantly ornamented by tattooing, executed in a manner to excite our admiration. This is a faithful picture of a warrior, and of the chief of such warriors I had formed an exalted opinion; but what was my astonishment when Gattanewa presented himself; an infirm old man of seventy years of age, destitute of every covering or ornament except a clout about his loins, and a piece of palm leaf tied about his head: a long stick seemed to assist him in walking; his face and body were as black as a negro's, from the quantity of tattooing, which entirely covered them, and his skin was rough, and appeared to be peeling off in scales, from the quantity of kava (an intoxicating root) with which he had indulged himself. Such was the figure that Gattanewa presented; and as he had drank freely of the kava before he made his visit, he appeared to be perfectly stupid. After he had been a short time on deck, I endeavoured to impress him with a high opinion of our force; and for this purpose assembled all my crew: it scarcely seemed to excite his attention. I then caused a gun to

be fired, which seemed to produce no other effect on him, than that of pain; he complained that it hurt his ears: I then invited him below, where nothing whatever excited his attention, until I showed him some whales' teeth: this roused the old man from his lethargy, and he would not be satisfied, until I had permitted him to handle, to measure and count them over and over, which seemed to afford him infinite pleasure. After he had done this repeatedly, I put them away; and shortly afterwards asked him if he had seen any thing in the ship that pleased him; if he did to name it and it should be his: he told me he had seen nothing which had pleased him so much as one of the small whales' teeth; which on his describing, I took out and gave to him: this he carefully wrapped up in one of the turns of his clout; begging me not to inform any person that he had about him an article of so much value: I assured him I should not; and the old man threw himself on the settee and went to sleep. In a few minutes he awoke, somewhat recovered from his stupidity, and requested to be put on shore: he, however, previous to his departure, wished me to exhange [sic] names with him, and requested me to assist him in his war with the Happahs: to the first I immediately consented: but to the latter request, I told him I had come to be at peace with all on the island; that I wished to see him at peace with the Happahs; and that I should not engage in any hostilities, unless the Happahs came into the valley; in which case I should protect him and his people. He told me they had cursed the bones of his mother, who had died but a short time since: that as we had exchanged names, she was now my mother, and I was bound to espouse her cause. I told him I would think of the subject, and did not think it necessary to make any farther reply to the old man's sophistry.

      Next morning he sent me a present consisting of hogs and several boat loads of cocoa-nuts and plantains, which were distributed among the crews of the different vessels.

      I now unbent my sails and sent them on shore; landed my water casks, with which I formed a complete enclosure, sufficiently spacious to answer all our purposes: the ship was hauled close in with the beach, and we began in good earnest to make our repairs. A tent was pitched within the enclosure, and the place put under the protection of a guard of marines. In the afternoon several officers

went on shore to visit the villages, when I perceived a large body of the Happahs, descending from the mountains into the valley among the bread-fruit trees, which they soon began to destroy. I immediately fired guns, and made a signal for every person to repair on board, apprehensive that some might be cut off by them, as the friendly natives had not seemed to notice this descent. The firing of the guns soon occasioned the main body to halt, and shortly afterwards the whole returned up the mountains, as the friendly tribes had turned out to oppose them. Those who were on shore had returned on board; and as the Happahs had descended to within half a mile of our camp, and had succeeded in destroying two hundred bread-fruit trees, it became necessary to be more on our guard against their enterprize. My messenger shortly afterwards returned from among them to say that notwithstanding my injunctions, they had come into the valley and destroyed the bread-fruit trees, and we had not opposed them: that they believed we were cowards; and they should soon visit our camp and carry off our sails. Believing from what I had already seen, that they were capable of attempting the execution of their threat, I determined to be prepared for them, and with this view I caused one fourth of each ship's company to he landed every evening with their arms as a guard for the camp, allowing them at the same time to stroll about the valley and amuse themselves with the girls who had assembled in great numbers on the outside of the inclosure, and were neither coy nor cruel; black or white, it made no difference to them, provided they could receive a tie tie, or present, which at first consisted of a piece of iron hoop; but in a few days this coin became no longer current: then the iron hoops were fashioned by the seamen into a tool somewhat in the form of a plane iron, lashed by several close turns of sinnet on a crooked stick, used by the natives as a short handled adze, and called by them a tokay. This passed very well for a few days; but they soon found out the cheat, and required something of more value. Our men had money, which was offered them: but money was rejected as trash; clothing they had given, until they had scarcely any left for themselves. Junk bottles were in great demand, and, always passed current; but ere long so many females assembled, that with or without a tie tie, the men had no difficulty in procuring

sweethearts; and it was astonishing to us to see with what indifference fathers, husbands, and brothers would see their daughters, wives, and, sisters fly from the embraces of one lover to that of another, and change from man to man according as they could find purchasers. Far from seeming to consider it an offence against modesty, they seemed to view it only as an accommodation to strangers, who had claims on their hospitality.

      I had caused a tent to be erected on shore for myself, as believing my presence necessary there to preserve order, and that my health required that I should remain some time on shore after being so long confined to the ship.

      The threat of the Happahs had somewhat provoked me. I did not view this people as mere savages, but as intelligent beings, capable of reason, and having proper ideas of right and wrong. I thought, however, before I proceeded to extremities, I would try if I could frighten them out of their hostile notions. Gattanewa made daily applications for assistance, and I at length told him that, if his people would carry a heavy gun, a six pounder, up to the top of a high mountain, which I pointed out to him, I would send men up to work it, and drive away the Happahs; who still kept possession of the hills. This was unanimously agreed to by every man belonging to the valley. I landed the gun, but did not suppose them capable of carrying it half way to the place fixed on. I supposed, however, that it would terrify the Happahs: and if it was attended with no other advantage, it would occupy the natives for a week or fort-night and keep them from our camp, as the numbers who resorted there had already caused us some embarrassment, and I apprehended would cause us more.

      On the gun being landed, I caused a few shot to be fired, to convince them of the distance the shot would have effect – firstly, a shot was fired with the gun considerably elevated; they seemed much surprised at the length of time the shot remained in the air, and many had given up all expectations of seeing it fall, and a general shout of admiration marked the time of its fall in the water. I now directed the gun to be fired that the ball might skip along the surface of the water: at every bound of the shot they gave a general shout of applause, as if all were operated on by the same impulse: last of all I directed her to be fired with grape shot,

which seemed to afford them more pleasure than all the rest; they hugged and kissed the gun, lay down beside it and fondled it with the utmost delight, and at length slung it to two long poles and carried it toward the mountain. On their first attempt to lift it with a few men, the weight seemed to astonish them; they declared that it stuck to the ground; they soon however raised it by additional numbers, and bore it off with apparent ease.

      While the natives were employed with their darling gun, I occupied myself in forwarding as much as possible the ship's duty; and as an additional security to our camp, landed another six pounder, and mounted also a long wall piece. The ship was soon stripped of her rigging; her provisions, stores, and ammunition put on board the prizes. The carpenters were employed in caulking her seams, the coopers in setting up new water casks (of which our prizes afforded us an abundant supply) to supply the place of the old, which were nearly all found rotton. Our men were employed overhauling and refitting the rigging, and the duty of every one allotted to them. No work was exacted from any person after four o'clock in the afternoon; the rest of the day was given to repose and amusement. One fourth of the crew being allowed after that hour to go on shore, there to remain until daylight next morning. An oven was also built on shore with bricks found on board the prizes; and so long as we remained here fresh bread of an excellent quality was issued every day to every person under my command: this was not only adding greatly to their comfort, and probably contributing to preserve their health, but was the cause of great saving of our hard bread which it was necessary to reserve as a sea stock. Every thing went on as well as I could have wished, and much better than I could possibly have expected. It only now was necessary that we should fall on some substitute for salt provisions, as we had not yet been enabled to procure hogs in sufficient quantities to issue to the ships' companies, nor had we been able to catch fish with our seine, although we had made repeated trials. The natives did not appear willing to traffic for fruit or hogs; and from the best information I could obtain I was induced to believe there was a considerable scarcity of both in the valley. A few had been furnished as presents, but no persuasions would induce them to sell any to us, even for

articles which were held in the highest estimation by them. They could not supply them in sufficient quantities to exchange for whales' teeth, nor could they be persuaded to part with them for harpoons, of which we had a large stock on hand.

      The day after the gun was moved for the mountains, the chief warrior, named Mouina, was introduced to me. He was a tall, well shaped man of about thirty-five years of age, remarkably active, of an intelligent and open countenance, and his whole appearance was prepossessing. He had just left the other warriors in the fortified village, and had come down to request me to cause a musket to be fired (which he called a bouhi) that he might witness its effects. Several individuals of the tribe of the Happahs were at that moment about the camp, and I was pleased at the opportunity which was afforded me to convince them or the folly of resisting our fire arms with slings and spears. I fired several times myself at a mark to show them that I never failed of hitting an object the size of a man. I then directed the marines to fire by volleys at a cask, which was soon like a riddle. I directed them to tell their countrymen that it would only be making a useless sacrifice of their lives; that I had no wish to destroy them, but that my own safety and the security of the friendly tribes, whom I had promised to protect, required that they should be driven from the mountains overhanging the valley, where they had constantly kept their position, daily waving their cloaks to us to come up, and threatening us with their spears and clubs. Indeed considerable numbers of them had been seen in the grass on the hills at the back of our encampment, and I had much reason to apprehend an attack from them soon, if means were not taken to dislodge them.

      Mouina appeared much pleased with the effect of our musquetry; and frequently exclaimed, mattee, mattee! killed, killed! The Happahs, however, replied that nothing could persuade their tribe, that bouhies could do them the injury that we pretended: that they were determined to try the effects of a battle, and if they should be beaten, that they would be willing to make peace; but not before. I informed them that they would not find me so ready to make peace after beating them, as at present; and that I should insist on being paid for the trouble they might put me to. They

informed me they had an abundance of fruit and hogs, and would be willing to sacrifice the whole to purchase my friendship if I should conquer them. Seeing that these strange people were resolutely bent on trying the effect of their arms against ours, I thought that the sooner they were convinced of their folly the better it would be for themselves and us, as it would relieve us from the constant apprehension of an attack from them; and I believed it likely, that, by giving them timely notice of our intentions, they would avoid coming so near as to permit our muskets to have much effect. Indeed it became absolutely necessary to do something; for the Happahs present informed me that their tribe believed that we were afraid to attack them, as we had threatened so much, without attempting any thing; and this idea, I found, began to prevail among those of our valley, which is called the valley of Tieuhoy, and the people Havouhs, Parques, Hoattas, &c. for the valley is subdivided into other valleys by the hills, and each small valley is inhabited by distinct tribes, governed by their own laws, and having their own chiefs and priests.

      But before I proceed farther in my narrative, it may be best, for a proper understanding of the subject, to give a statement of the names of the different tribes of the island, with the names of the chiefs of each tribe, as far as I have been able to obtain a knowledge of them.

      The tribes residing in the valley of Tieuhoy are in number six, and are called collectively Taeehs, which signifies friends. Gattanewa is the acknowledged chief of four tribes, to wit: the Pakeuhs, Maovhs, Howneeahs, and Hekuahs. He has, however, much influence with the other two, called Hoattas, of which Kecoponea is chief; and Havouhs, which is a perfect democracy without a chief. The priest, however, whose name is Tawattaa, has great influence with the people, and decides in all cases of controversy, and names the time of going to war. It seems that a few years since they expelled their chief, who was a relation of Gattanewa, and a notorious glutton. His offence, it appears, was the frequently waylaying the children of the poorer class on their return from fishing, and taking from them their fish: they therefore rose in a body, and drove him from the valley. He took refuge with Gattanewa, where he how lives. He is the

largest man on the island, and his enormous size and unwieldy appearance soon gained him among us the name of Elephant.

      The fact is that these people cannot be said to live under any form of goverment, [sic] except it be under a patriarchal one. The oldest man of the tribe, if he possess the most land, and is the owner of most bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees, is the most influential character among them. Wealth, with them, as in all other countries, attaches respect and gives power; they have such thing as rank among them; a rank which is hereditary; and they take much pride in tracing their ancestry. Gattanewa traces his for eighty-eight generations back, (about fourteen hundred years) which is to the period when the island was first peopled. According to tradition, Oataia, or day-light, and Ananoona his wife, came from Vavao, an island underneath Nooaheevah, and brought with them bread-fruit and sugar-cane, and a great variety of other plants. They had forty children, who were all named after the plants they brought with them, with the exception of the first son, who was called Po or night. They settled in the valley of Tieuhoy; but soon becoming very populous, they went off to other parts of the island, taking with them plants of different kinds, and inhabited the valleys. Be this tradition true or fabulous, it is certain that Gattanewa draws his greatest consideration from inheriting the honours of the great Oataia, and an alliance with him is sought by every family of any considerable rank in the island.

      The chiefs and the sons and grandsons of every chief in the island are married to his sisters, his daughters, or his grand-daughters; many of the latter were now unmarried, and their youth and beauty soon drew the attention of our officers; and as they did not suffer them to despond, many of them soon had the honour of boasting a relationship with the great chieftain.

      The people called collectively Happahs, reside in a valley which makes up from the N.W. part of Comptroller's Bay. They consist of six tribes; namely, Nicekees, Tattievows, Pachas, Kickahs, Tekaahs, and Muttaaehas, the names of the chiefs of which are, Mowattaeh,Peiowho, Tekawanuohe, Kawatuah, and Toneotufah. This is the people which now daily dared us to battle.

      In a bay to leward, called Huchaheucha, there are three tribes, called Maamatuahs, Tiohahs, and Cahhaahe, their chiefs are named Potunah and Mahitatahee. Those are the allies of the

Taeehs, and join them in all wars with the tribes residing on the east of the valley of Tieuhoy, although they are sometimes engaged in war among themselves.

      On the north part of Comptroller's bay, an extensive and beautiful valley runs deep into the island, and is thickly inhabited by a warlike race of people, called collectively Typees. This valley, which is more highly cultivated than any other in the island, and interspersed with beautiful villages, contains three tribes, called Poheguha, Naeguha, and Attayiyas. Of the first and second Tohenueh and Poheguah are the chiefs: the latter is a democracy without a chief.

      The valley of Shoeume contains three tribes, namely Cahhunaka, Tomahvaheena, and Tickeymahu: the principal chief is Temaa Tipee. These are the allies of the Typees, and generally join in peace or war with them. This valley also runs up from Comptroller's Bay.

      The valley of Hannahow, which lies on the east side of the island, is inhabited by two great tribes of people, the first called Hatecaah, the principal chief of which is Tahehow. They consist of three tribes, and are called Mooaekah, Attishou, and Attestapwiheenah. Secondly, the people called Woheaho, consisting of three tribes; namely, Attehacoes, Attetomcohoy, and Attekakahaneuah.

      There is also, in a valley called Tahtuahtuah, a small tribe called Tiakahs

      The number of warriors, which each tribe can send into the field, is as follows;

men, and in a climate like this, and living as the natives of this island do, this num-

ber should not excite any astonishment, for all are in health and vigour: old and young are active and strong, and all are capable of managing a spear, club or sling. Their general mode of fighting consists in constant skirmishing. The adverse parties assemble on the brows of opposite hills, having a plain between them. One or two dressed out in all their finery, richly decorated with shells, tufts of hair, ear ornaments, &c. &c. advance, dancing up to the opposite party, amid a shower of spears and stones (which they avoid with great dexterity) and daring the other to single combat: they are soon pursued by a greater number, who are in turn driven back; and if in their retreat they should chance to he knocked over with a stone, they are instantly despatched with spears and war-clubs and carried off in triumph. They have two descriptions of spears which they use in their warfare: those by which they set the most store, are about fourteen feet in length, made of a hard and black wood called toa, which receives a polish equal to ivory: these are made with much neatness, and are never thrown from the hand: the other kind are smaller, of a light kind of wood, and are thrown with much accuracy to a great distance. At certain distances from their points they are pierced with holes all round, in order that they may break off, with their own weight, on entering a body, and thus be more difficult to extract. Their slings are made of the fibres of the bark of the cocoa-nut tree, and are executed with a degree of neatness and skill not to be excelled. The stones thrown from them are of an oval shape, of about half a pound weight, and are all highly polished, by rubbing against the bark of a tree; they are worn in a net suspended about the waist, and are thrown with such a degree of velocity and accuracy, as to render them almost equal to musketry – wherever they strike they produce effect; and the numerous scars, broken limbs, and fractured sculls of the natives, proves that, notwithstanding their great dexterity in avoiding those missiles, they are used with much effect. It is no uncommon thing to see a warrior bearing about him the wounds of many spears, some of which have transfixed his body; some bear several wounds occasioned by stones; and I have seen several with their skulls so indented, as that the whole hand might have been laid in the cavity, and yet the wounds were perfectly healed, and appeared to give no pain

I shall probably have occasion to speak hereafter of their art in healing wounds; but I must now, while on the subject of fractured skulls, mention a practice which is pursued by them, and may be common elsewhere, although I never heard of it. Whenever the skull is cracked, the bone is laid bare, and the fracture traced to its end, and there a small hole is drilled through the skull to prevent the crack from going any farther. This practice is pursued wherever the fracture branches off in rays. If there are any loose pieces of bones, they are carefully laid in their places, the wound is bound up with certain herbs, the virtue of which is known to them, and nature, a temperate mode of living, and a good constitution, do the rest. They have their professed surgeons and physicians among them; but they have much more confidence in our skill than in their own.

      On the 28th October Gattanewa, with several of the warriors, came to inform me that the gun was at the foot of the mountain, where I had directed it to be carried, and that it would have reached the summit by the time our people could get up there. When I viewed the mountains, and imagined the difficulties they would have to surmount, I could scarcely credit the account they gave me; and yet I could not conceive any motive they could have for deception. I informed them that, on the next morning at day light, forty men, with their muskets, would be on shore and in readiness to march; and as I supposed it would be impossible for our people to scale the mountains, when incumbered with their arms, I desired them to send me forty Indians for the purpose of carrying their muskets, and an equal number to carry provisions as well as ammunition for the six pounder, which they promised me should be done, and every arrangement was made accordingly, and the command of the expedition given to lieutenant Downes. I was this afternoon visited by Taihea-taioa, the wife of Gattanewa, accompanied by several of her daughters and granddaughters. Every object about the camp seemed to excite in them the most lively attentions, but none more so than the sheep and goats, which they call boarka, which is the name for a hog. The Gallapagoes tortoises they called manu, which is the name of a sea tortoise. The different occupations in which our people were employed, seemed greatly to excite their astonishment. They

went from place to place examining, with great curiosity, the operations within the camp; and as they were all entirely new to them they appeared to view them with admiration; but as it was a subject they could not fully comprehend, they made no inquiries, but silently turned their attention to the next object which attracted them. In this manner they wandered from my tent to the sailmakers, the coopers, carpenters, armourers and bakers, and even the turning of the grindstone occasioned no less wonder than the rest. They were like children pleased with novelties, which they could not comprehend. Taiheataioa appeared to be an intelligent, and had no doubt been a handsome woman; she bore the traces of beauty in her features, and the beauty of her children and grandchildren, whose features strongly resembled hers, left no doubt in my mind as to what she had been. Her manner was dignified, and her gestures graceful. I found she possessed that vanity which is so much attributed to her sex, and that she evinced no little pleasure at being complimented on the strong resemblance of her grand-daughters to herself. I made them presents of several small articles, which gave them much pleasure, and the old woman frequently reminded me that as I had exchanged names with Gattanewa, I was now her husband, and (pointing to the others) that those were my children and grand-children, who looked up to me for protection. But when I in a joking way, insisted on enjoying all the privileges of a husband, she pointed to her granddaughters, informing me that they would suit me better, and they showed by their ogling and smiles to be of the same opinion.

      On the morning of the 29th the party being on shore, consisting chiefly of the crew of the Essex Junior and the detachment of marines, each man being furnished with an Indian to carry his arms, and spare Indians to carry provisions and other articles, I gave the order to march. Gattanewa arrived at the moment of my giving the order; and informed me that his daughter, who was married to a chief of the Happahs had just descended the mountains and had come as an envoy to beg that I would grant them peace – the detachment had marched, every arrangement had been made: I apprehended that the Happahs only wanted to gain time: I had met with considerable provocation from them, and they still kept their hostile position on the mountains. From the

old man's solicitude for peace, when contrasted with his former desire for war, I for a moment believed some treachery on foot; I had sent but a handful of men, and their arms, their ammunition, their provisions, and even their lives were in the hands of the Indians. Gattanewa was in my power, and I determined to secure him as a hostage until their return. I directed him to send for his daughter, for the same purpose; but he informed me she was far advanced in pregnancy and unable to come to the camp. I told him that no harm was intended him, but that he must not leave the inclosure until the return of the party: that the Indians of his tribes were in possession of many articles of value to us, and that when every thing was returned to us he should be at liberty to proceed to his family. I told him that peace could not now take place until after a battle, when I should feel disposed to come to terms with the Happahs and would respect a messenger sent from them with a white flag. The old man appeared very uneasy at his detention, and repeatedly asked me if I would not kill him, should any of our people be injured by the Happahs; and my assurances to the contrary did not relieve his anxiety and fears for his safety. The party on shore at the camp now consisted only of about ten or twelve working men, and one centinel: they were all engaged in their usual occupations, when an Indian girl, who had been wandering in the bushes came running toward us the picture of fear, and with terror stongly [sic] marked in every feature, exclaimed that the Happahs were but a short distance from the camp. I directed the alarm gun to be fired; every person was immediately armed with such weapons as presented themselves, and we waited the expected attack behind our barrier, the water casks; but hearing no noise we sallied out to examine the bushes and supposed it a false alarm: but on returning to the tamp, casting our eyes up the hills, we perceived a party skulking among the reeds and grass: we got the six pounder to bear on them, soon dislodged them, and had no other interruption or alarm during the day.

      About eleven o'clock, we perceived that our people had gained the mountains and were driving the Happahs from height to height, who fought as they retreated, and daring our men to follow them with threatening gesticulations. A native, who bore

the American flag, waved it in triumph as he skipped along the mountains – they were attended by a large concourse of friendly natives, armed as usual, who generally kept in the rear of our men. Mouina alone was seen in the advance of the whole, and was well known by his scarlet cloak and waving plumes. In about an hour we lost sight of the combatants and saw no more of them until about four o'clock, when they were discovered descending the mountains on their return, the natives bearing five dead bodies slung on poles.

      Mr. Downes and his men soon afterwards arrived at the camp, overcome with the fatigue of an exercise to which they had been so little accustomed. He informed me that on his arrival near the tops of the mountains, the Happahs, stationed on the summit, had assailed him and his men with stones and spears; that he had driven them from place to place until they had taken refuge in a fortress, erected in a manner before described, on the brow of a steep hill. Here they all made a stand, to the number of between three and four thousand. They dared our people to ascend this hill, at the foot of which they had made a halt to take breath. The word was given by Mr. Downes to rush up the hill; at that instant a stone struck him on the belly and laid him breathless on the ground, and at the same instant one of our people was pierced with a spear through his neck. This occasioned a halt, and they were about abandoning any farther attempt on the place: but Mr. Downes soon recovered, and finding himself able to walk gave orders for a charge. Hitherto our party had done nothing. Not one of the enemy had, to their knowledge, been wounded. They scoffed at our men, and exposed their posteriors to them, and treated them with the utmost contempt and derision. The friendly natives also begun to think we went not so formidable as we pretended: it became, therefore, absolutely necessary that the fort should be taken at all hazards. Our people gave three cheers and rushed on through a shower of spears and stones, which the natives threw from behind their strong barrier, and it was not until our people entered the fort that they thought of retreating. Five were at this instant shot dead; and one in particular, fought until the muzzle of the piece was presented to his forehead, when the top of his head was entirely blown off. As soon as this place

was taken all further resistance was at an end. The friendly natives collected the dead, while many ran down to a village situated in the valley for the purpose of securing the plunder, consisting of large quantities of drums, matts, callabashes and other household utensils, as well as hogs, cocoa-nuts and other fruit. They also brought with them large quantities of the plant with which they make their finest cloth, which grows nearly as thick as the wrist, and is highly esteemed by them. They came also laden with plunder, which the enemy had not time to remove; for they could not be made to believe that a handful of men could drive them.

      It was shocking to see the manner they treated such as were knocked over with a shot; they rushed on them with their war clubs and soon despatched them: then each seemed anxious to dip his spear into the blood, which nothing could induce them to wipe off – the spear, from that time, bore the name of the dead warrior, and its value, in consequence of that trophy, was greatly enhanced.

      As soon as the party returned, I gave orders for the liberation of Gattanewa, who hastened with speedy steps to escape from the hill which separated us from the settlement. His alarm had been great, and terror had taken such fast hold on his mind, that he dared not look behind, lest he should perceive some danger in pursuit of him. He had heard from the natives of our having taken the fort; and as this was, in his estimation, a place of incomparable strength, he believed that nothing could resist our progress. He supposed us stronger than we really were, and dreaded an ally so powerful. I informed him, previous to his departure, that I was now ready to listen to a messenger from the Happahs; but the poor old man's fright would allow him to attend to nothing but his own safety. We had gained a victory, which, to him, seemed incredible; and the number of dead which they had borne off as trophies had far exceeded that of any former battle within his recollection; as they fight for weeks, nay for months sometimes, without killing any on either side, though many are, in all their engagements, severely wounded. The Tayees had, however, a short time before our arrival, lost one of their priests of the greatest note, who had been killed by an am-

buscade of the Happahs; and this circumstance had occasioned a tabboo of the strictest nature to be established, which was now in ful [sic] force and continued as long as we remained on the island.

      I am not acquainted with the ceremony of laying on these tabbooes, which are so much respected by the natives. They are, however, laid by the priests, from some religious motive. Sometimes they are general, and affect a whole valley, as the present; sometimes they are confined to a single tribe; at others to a family, and frequently to a single person. The word tabboo signifies an interdiction, an embargo, or restraint; and the restrictions during the period of their existence may be compared to the lent of the catholics. They suffer, during this period, many privations; they are not allowed to use paint, of which they are very fond, to ornament their bodies; they are neither allowed to dance nor sing; the chiefs are bound to abstain from women; nor are they in many instances, allowed to enter the houses frequented by them. They have tabbooed places, where they feast and drink kava – tabbooed houses where dead bodies are deposited, and many of their trees, and even some of their walks are tabbooed. The women are, on no occasion whatever, allowed to enter their places of feasting, which are houses raised to the height of six or eight feet on a platform of large stones, neatly hewn and fitted together, with as much skill and exactness as could be done by our most expert masons; and some of them are one hundred yards in length and forty yards in width, surrounded by a square of buildings executed in a style of elegance, which is calculated to inspire us with the most exalted opinion of the ingenuity, taste, and perseverance of a people, who have hitherto remained unnoticed and unknown to the rest of mankind. When we consider the vast labour requisite to bring from a distance the enormous rocks which form the foundation of these structures (for they are all brought from the sea side, and many of them are eight feet long and four feet thick and wide) and reflect on the means used in hewing them into such perfect forms, with tools perhaps little harder than the materials worked on, for the appearance of many of these places strongly mark their antiquity, and their origin can no doubt be traced to a period antecedant to their knowledge of iron, and when we count the immense numbers of such places which are every where to be

met with, our astonishment is raised to the highest, that a people in a state of nature, unassisted by any of those artificial means which so much assist and facilitate the labour of the civilized man, could have conceived and executed a work which, to every beholder, must appear stupendous. These piles are raised with views to magnificence alone; there does not appear to be the slightest utility attending them: the houses situated on them are unoccupied, except during the period of feasting, and they appear to belong to a public, without the whole efforts of which, they could not have been raised, and with every exertion that could possibly have been made, years must have been requisite for the completion of them.

      These public houses differ not much from the houses belonging to individuals except in the degree of elegance with which they are finished. Those which I have now in view to describe are situated round a public square, high up the valley of the Havvouhs and are sixteen in number. Four large pillars, neatly formed of the bread-fruit tree, are planted in the ground, extending to the height of twenty feet above the surface; in the upper end is a crutch for the reception of a long and slender cocoa-nut tree, which is neatly polished: this forms the ridge-pole of the houses, and is the chief support of the structure. From this ridge-pole, with the lower ends inclining out about five feet, are placed bamboos, of equal sizes, at the distance of two or three inches asunder, with the lower ends planted in the ground; and to give them additional stability they are neatly and firmly secured by turns of different coloured sinnet to the well polished trunk of a cocoa-nut tree: across this row of bamboos is lashed, with the utmost neatness and strength, rows of smaller bamboos, placed in a horizontal position, and this forms a frame work for the back part of the house, which also answers for one side of the roof. At the distance of five feet in advance of the aforesaid long pillars are fixed in the ground four uprights, extending eight feet above the surface, having also a crutch for the reception of a cocoa-nut tree, or sometimes a piece of hewn timber neatly fashioned for the purpose. This also extends the whole length of the house, and serves to support the front part of the roof, which is formed of the same materials, and is secured in the same manner as

the back part of the building. The ends are, in like manner, closed in, as sometimes are the sides, for the distance of twelve feet, forming at each end of the house a small room. The frame work being completed, they proceed to cover it, first with the leaves of the palm tree, and next with those of the bread-fruit tree, which are laid on with surprizing neatness and regularity, and give it an appearance of beauty, security, and durability not to be equalled by our best mode of shingling. The building is then divided longitudinally into two equal parts, by placing from one end to the others in the middle, the trunk of a cocoa-nut treee: [sic] the part toward the front is then neatly paved with smooth stones: the back part is covered with the finest mats, and is occupied as a sleeping place for the whole family: the middle tree serving for them to place their feet against, and a similar one placed against the back of the building serves them as a pillow. The external and more useful parts of the house being finished, they proceed to ornament it by covering the bamboos, which form the frame work, with different coloured cocoa-nut sinnet put on in the most fanciful manner, while the upright columns are covered first by layers of their finest and whitest cloth, which is firmly secured on by the sinnet aforesaid, in such a manner, as to give them, at a short distance, the appearance of being handsomely and fancifully painted. Sometimes, indeed, the columns are richly carved in the form of gods, and give to the whole an air of grandeur and elegance which, although in a style differing from that of every other people in the world, does not the less astonish.

      But, to proceed in my narrative: the Tayees had brought in the bodies of the five men killed in storming the fort. We met with no loss on our side or on that of our allies. We had two wounded, and one of the Indians had his jaw broke with a stone. I saw him the day afterwards; it was neatly and securely bound up with the leaves of the palm tree, and he appeared to suffer but little from the pain. One of the dead, it appeared, was a native of our valley, who had married among the Happahs. His relations had taken charge of his body, which, on being found, had been carefully wrapped up in matts. The rest I was informed were lying in the public square, where the natives were rejoicing over them. I had been informed by the whites, on my arrival, and even by

Wilson, that the natives of this island were cannibals: but, on the strictest inquiry, I could not learn that either of them had seen them in the act of eating human flesh. I was desirous of having this point put beyond a doubt, though the assurances they had given me that they really were cannibals, had strongly inclined me to believe that it was the case. Indeed, in conversing with Gattanewa on the subject, he did not hesitate to acknowledge that it was sometimes practised by certain characters; but with much pride and exultation he added, that none of his family, to the earliest period of their existence, were known to have eaten human flesh, or to have tasted a hog, which had died or been stolen. He said they sometimes eat their enemies. Yet in all their wars. which had been carried on since Wilson and the others had been among them, it does not appear that any had been eaten, according to our acceptation of the word. Several of the dead bodies of their enemies had fallen into their hands, and had been seen by the whites in an unmutilated state for several days after their death, until indeed they had become too offensive for the natives to bear; and certainly it cannot be supposed that they would prefer eating them in that putrid state, although Wilson declared that that was the time they feasted on them. Desirous of clearing up in my own mind a fact which so nearly concerned the character of a whole people, who otherwise deserved to rank above the mere savage, I proceeded, the day after the battle, with Wilson, and accompanied by a marine (my usual practice when I went among them) to the house of Gattanewa, with a view of claiming the dead bodies, in order that they might be buried; and, at the same time, to endeavour to find out whether the were really addicted to a practise so unnatural. The acknowledgments of Gattanewa left but little doubt on my mind, and yet I found it difficult to reconcile this practice with the generosity and benevolence which were leading traits in their character. They are cleanly in their persons, washing three or four times a day. They are cleanly in their mode of cooking and manner of eating; and it was remarked, that no islander was known to taste of any thing whatever, until he had first applied it to his nose, and if it was in the slightest degree tainted or offensive to the smell, it was always rejected. How then can it be possible that a people so delicate, living in a country

abounding with hogs, fruit, and a considerable variety of vegetables, should prefer a loathsome putrid human carcass, to the numerous delicacies their valleys afford? It cannot be: there must have been some misconception. I proceeded to the house of Gattanewa, which I found filled with women making the most dreadful lamentations, and surrounded by a large concourse of male natives. On my appearance there was a general shout of terror; all fixed their eyes on me with looks of fear and apprehension. I approached the wife of Gattanewa, and required to know the cause of this alarm. She said now that we had destroyed the Happahs they were fearful we should turn on them: she took hold of my hand, which she kissed, and moistened with her tears: then placing it on her head, knelt to kiss my feet. She told me they were willing to be our slaves, to serve us, that their houses, their lands, their hogs, and every thing belonging to them were ours; but begged that I would have mercy on her, her children, and her family, and not put them to death. It seemed that they had worked themselves up to the highest pitch of fear, and on my appearance with a centinel accompanying me, they could see in me nothing but the demon of destruction. I raised the poor old woman from her humble posture, and begged her to banish her groundless fears, that I had no intention of injuring any person residing in the valley of Tieuhoy: that if the Happahs had drawn on themselves our vengeance, and felt our resentment, they had none to blame but themselves. I had offered them peace; but they had prefered war; I had proffered them my friendship, and they had spurned at it. That there was no alternative left me. I had chastised them, and was appeased. Addressing myself to her daughter, an interesting woman of about twenty-three years of age, who had come to solicit peace, I told her I should respect any messenger sent from her tribe bearing a white flag; that her husband might come in safety, and that I should be as ready to make peace, as I had been to punish their insolence. I then exhorted the wife of Gattanewa to endeavour to impress on the minds of every person the necessity of living on friendly terms with us; that we were disposed to consider them as brothers; that we had come with no hostile intentions toward them, and so long as they treated us as friends we would protect them against all their enemies; that they

and their property should be secure, and that I should inflict the most exemplary punishment on such of my people as should be known to impose on a friendly native; but that should a stone he thrown, or an article stolen from me or my people, and the offender not be given up to me, I should make the valley a scene of desolation. The old woman was all attention to this discourse as delivered through Wilson the interpreter; and I was about proceeding when she requested me to stop. She now rose and commanded silence among the multitude, which had considerably augmented since my arrival, and addressed them with much grace and energy in a speech of about half an hour; exhorting them, as I understood, to conduct themselves with propriety, and explaining to them the advantages likely to result from a good understanding with us. After she had finished, she took me affectionately by the hand, and reminded me that I was her husband. I, as usual, jestingly claimed my rights as such; she pointed to her grand-daughters, and they smiled assent. All alarms now were subsided. I inquired for Gattanewa, and was informed that he was at the public square rejoicing over the bodies of the slain, but had been sent for. I proceeded for the place and met the old man hastening home. He had been out from the earliest dawn, and had not broken his fast. He held in one hand a cocoa-nut shell, containing a quantity of sour preparation of the bread-fruit, which is highly esteemed by the natives, and in the other a raw fish, which he occasionally dipped into it as he ate it. As soon however as Wilson gave him to understand that the practice of eating raw fish was disagreeable to me, he wrapped the remainder in a palm leaf, and handed it to a youth to keep for him until a more convenient opportunity offered for indulging himself. On my way to the square I observed several young warriors hastening along towards the place armed with their spears, at the ends of which were hung plantains, bread-fruit, or cocoa-nuts, intended as offerings to their gods; and on my approach to the square, I could hear them beating their drums and chanting their war-songs. I soon discovered five or six hundred of them assembled about the dead bodies, which were lying on the ground, still attached to the poles with which they had been brought from the scene of action. The warriors were all armed with their spears, and several large drums

highly ornamented with cloth, tastily secured on with sinnet, were placed near the slain, on which some were employed beating, while Tawattaa and another priest, elevated above the rest, appeared to preside over the ceremonies. Ah! said Wilson, they are now making their infernal feast on the bodies of the dead. At this moment my approach was discovered. They were all thrown into the utmost confusion; the dead bodies were in an instant snatched from the place where they lay, and hurried to a distance among the bushes, and shouting, and hallooing evinced the utmost consternation. I now believed the truth of Wilson's declaration, and my blood recoiled with horror at the spectacle I was on the point of witnessing. I directed them in an authoritative manner to return the bodies to the place whence they had taken them, and refused to advance a step farther until they had done so. With much reluctance they brought them back; two of them carefully covered with branches of the cocoa-nut tree, the others were entirely uncovered. I immediately caused them all to be exposed to my view, and to my great surprise found them unmutilated, except by the clubs with which they had been despatched. I inquired immediately into the cause of their carrying them off in such haste, and was informed that they supposed the sight of dead bodies would have proved disagreeable to me. I told them I had come to claim them, in order that they might be buried, and desired that they might be carried to the camp, where a grave was already dug for their interment. I told them that I was apprehensive that they intended to eat them, and expressed, with the strongest marks of horror, my detestation of the practice. They all assured me they had no intention of eating them, and promised a compliance with my wishes should I exact it: but entreated that I would indulge them with the bodies a day or two longer to sing over and perform their ceremonies, and that I would grant them two to offer as a sacrifice to the manes of their priest, who had been slain; requesting, at the same time, that I would send a person to attend the ceremony and witness their burial; assuring me that they would bury them any depth I should wish. Gattanewa, Tawattaa, and the other priest then joined their earnest entreaties to the rest, and informed me that it would be the cause of great triumph to their enemies should I deprive them of all the dead

bodies, and would attribute to them none of the honours of the victory obtained over them. Overcome by their solicitude, I consented to their request, and being in some measure satisfied that these people were not cannibals, I consented to their keeping two, on their promise that the others should be sent to the camp. I remarked that as they brought back the dead bodies every person carefully avoided touching, not only them, but even the blood on the poles to which they were slung, and in removing the covering of cocoa-nut leaves, a stick instead of the hand was used for the purpose: also that horror was marked on every countenance when their numerous wounds of spears were exposed to view; for it must be observed, that those who were covered with leaves bore innumerable marks of the spears which had been thrust into them at the moment of their death; the others had been despatched with clubs, after they had been shot, the marks of which were to be seen about their heads. This delicacy in concealing the wounded body of an enemy, and their caution in avoiding the touch of the blood or the dead carcasses, greatly staggered my belief of their being cannibals, although they did not deny that they sometimes eat their enemies, at least so we understood them; but it is possible we may have misunderstood. We had but little opportunity of gaining a knowledge of their language while we remained among them; but from the little we became acquainted with, we are satisfied that it is not copious; few words serve to express all they wish to say; and one word has oftentimes many significations; as for example, the word motee signifies I thank you, I have enough, I do not want it, I do not like it, keep it yourself, take it away, &c. &c. Mattee expresses every degree of injury which can happen to a person or thing from the slightest harm to the most cruel death. Thus a prick of the finger is mattee, to have a pain in any part is mattee; mattee is to be sick, to be badly wounded is mattee, and mattee is to kill or be killed, to be broke (when speaking of inanimate objects) to be injured in any way, even to be dirtied or soiled is expressed by the word mattee. Motakee, with slight variation of the voice, signifies every degree of good, from a thing merely tolerable, to an object of the greatest excellence; thus it is, so, so, good, very good, excellent: it signifies the qualities and disposition of persons; thus they are tolerable, likely, handsome, or

beautiful, – good, kind, benevolent, generous humane. Keheva, which signifies bad, is as extensive in its use as motakee, and, by suitable modulations of the voice, has meanings directly opposite. This is the case with many other words in their language; indeed, with all we became acquainted with. Kie-kie signifies to eat, it also signifies a troublesome fellow; may it not also have many other significations, with which we are unacquainted? it may signify to cut up, to divide, to sacrifice, to keep as trophies; whether it has these significations I am unable to say, and Wilson could not inform me; but many circumstances induce me to believe they meant no more, when they informed me they sometimes ate their enemies. That they offer the bodies of their enemies as sacrifices to their gods I had more than once an opportunity of seeing, while I remained on the island. Unfortunately the wars we were under the necessity of carrying on against the hostile tribes furnished them with too many subjects. Their fondness for their bones as trophies, is evident to every person. Their skulls are carefully preserved and hung up in their houses. Their thigh bones are formed into harpoons, and sometimes are richly ornamented with carvings; their smaller bones are formed into ornaments to be hung round their necks, representing figures of their gods: they are also converted into fan-handles, form part of the ornaments of their war conchs, and in fact compose a part of every description of ornament where they can possibly be applied. Many specimens of this kind of ornament are now in my possession; and there are few, of the male natives who are destitute of them. I remarked, however, that none were in the house, or to be found among the numerous family of the venerable Gattanewa; and I am inclined to believe that the old man wished to signify this when he was understood to say that none of his family had ever eaten human flesh. After this little digression (if such it may be called) which is due to a people, who do not appear to deserve the stain which has been cast upon them, I shall proceed in my narrative.

      As I before observed, on my appearance the music (if it may be called such) ceased; anxious to know as much as possible the religion and other ceremonies of this people, I informed Gattanewa that they might proceed. The priest mounted on his elevation; the warriors ranged themselves in lines about the square;

the priest, after shaking the dried branch of a palm tree, to which was hung a bunch of human hair, repeated a few words, when three shouts were given by the warriors, as if with one voice, each shout accompanied with a loud clap of the hands, after which the drums beat for the space of about five minutes, during which time they all sung with loud voices and animated gestures until their voices gradually dying away silence ensued – this ceremony was three times performed, and at each time with more and more animation: they repeatedly pointed to the dead bodies, and would, at times, address themselves to me. Wilson told me they were singing their victory over their enemies, and returning thanks to their gods for sending me to their aid. After the ceremony was over, the priest asked me if it was not motahee, very fine, and on my signifying my assent, it gave the most lively pleasure.

      I now inquired if they had heard from the Happahs since the battle: they told me one of that tribe had that morning arrived. I directed him to be sent for: he approached, trembling for his safety; but on my offering my hand, which I had taught all the natives was a token of friendship, his fears seemed to subside. I learnt from him that many of the tribe were badly wounded, and that the whole were in the utmost dismay, and desired nothing more ardently than peace. I represented to him the folly of opposing their arms to ours, and to convince him of the superiority of muskets, I fired at a tree some distance off; the ball penetrated the middle of it, about the height of a man's heart. I then called on all the warriors to try their spears and slings at the same object; but they all shook their heads, as an acknowledgment of the inferiority of their weapons. The Happah was much astonished at the correctness with which we fired, and said he should proceed to hasten his brethren to a reconciliation. I gave him a white handkerchief, which was attached to a spear, and informed him the bearer of that should be respected.

      On my return to the camp I found a large supply of hogs, cocoa-nuts, bananas, bread-fruit, tarra, and sugar-cane, with several roots of kava, partly the plunder of the Happahs, but chiefly the contributions of the tribes of Tieuhoy

ness, and gently expostulated with them on their imprudence, in having insisted on hostilities with me. They expressed the utmost regret for their past folly, and hoped that I would allow them in future to live on the same friendly terms with me as Gattanewa and his people, stating their willingness to comply with every thing I should exact from them in reason. I informed them that as I had offered them peace, and they had rejected it, and had put me to the trouble of chastising them, it was proper that we should receive some compensation. We were in want of hogs and fruit, and they had an abundance of them, and I wished them to give me a supply, once a week, for my people, for which they should be compensated in iron and such other articles as would be most useful to them. Gattanewa and many of his tribe were present, and appeared charmed with the terms offered to the Happahs; said they would henceforth be brothers, and observing that I had not yet presented my hand, took it affectionately and placed in that of Mowattaeeh. After a short silence Mowattaeeh observed that we must suffer much from the rain in our tents, as they did not appear capable of securing us from the wet. Yes, said Gattanewa, and we are bound to make the Hekai (a title which they all gave me) and his people comfortable while they remain with us. Let every tribe at peace with him, build a house for their accommodation, and the people of the valley of Tieuhoy will show them the example by building one for the residence of Opotee. This proposal met with general applause, and people were immediately despatched to prepare materials for erecting the fabric next day, at which time the Happahs promised to bring in their supply, and the day after to construct their house. In the course of the day, the other chiefs of the Happahs came in with their flags and subscribed to the terms proposed, and in less than two days I received envoys from every tribe in the island, with the exception only of the warlike tribes of Typees, of the valley of Vieehee, and the Hatecaahcottwohos, in the distant valley of Hannahow; the first confiding in their strenth, [sic] valour, and position; the others in their distance and numbers for their protection. The first had always been victorious in all their wars and the terror of their enemies; the others were their firm allies; neither had ever been driven; they had been taught by their priests to believe that they

never would be, and it was their constant boast that they had ever kept their valley free from the incursions of an enemy.

      All agreed to the terms proposed; supplies were brought in by the tribes in great abundance, and from this time for several weeks, we rioted in luxuries which the island afforded. To the principal persons of the tribes I always presented a harpoon, it being to them the most valuable article of iron, and to the rest scraps of iron hoops were thrown, for which they took much delight in contending; those who got none appeared equally satisfied with the rest, and those who were so fortunate as to obtain a large piece generously divided it with the others, and in no one instance did the mode of payment produce among them riot or dispute; the division was amicably and satisfactorily settled among themselves without any interposition on my part or that of the chiefs: all seemed perfectly satisfied that they would get their proportion, and the only contention among them was who should get the most at their first outset that they might afterwards have the pleasure of dividing it among the others. I have frequently thrown to them whole hoops, and it was no uncommon thing for one of them to seize three, into one of which he would slip his boby [sic] while his arms were thrust through the others and endeavour to make his escape from the camp: he would soon, however, be encompassed by numbers, who would each mark, with slips of bark, six or eight inches of a hoop, which he would claim as his own; they would all then retire, in a friendly manner, when the hoops would be broken in pieces, and each man receive his own. In this manner were all their affairs transacted without riot, without confusion, and without disputes; and so long as I remained on the island, I never saw or heard of the slightest difference between individuals, except in one instance, and they were of different valleys and tribes. The utmost harmony prevails among them, they live like affectionate brethren of one family, and the authority of their chiefs appears to be only that of fathers among their children.

      Whether they have any mode of punishing offences or whether punishment is ever necessary among them, I cannot say. I am inclined to be, however, of the latter opinion. I saw no punishments inflicted, nor did I ever hear that there was any cause.

      Their fruit-trees, except those which are tabbooed, are without enclosure; their smaller and more delicate plants, as well as their roots, have only a wall to prevent the depredations of hogs. Their houses are open in front, and their furniture, many parts of which are of great value to them, is entirely exposed. Their hogs are wandering in every part of the valley; their fishing nets and their cloths are left exposed on the beach, and spread on the grass; no precautions are taken to guard against theft, and I therefore conclude, that thefts among themselves are unknown; that they, but particularly the women of that class which cohabited with the sailors, will steal from strangers, I had abundant proof; they however were of the lowest order, and honesty is not expected from them in any part of the world: they seemed to consider every thing belonging to their paramours as fair game, who as frequently cheated them of their only disposable commodity (I do not mean their virtue); those trials of skill frequently produced some little delays and difficulties in the consummation of their bliss, as Taihea (for such is the soft name they generally assumed, signifying a favourite daughter) would frequently require to be paid her tie tie in hand, when Jack had none to offer: this, however, would produce no disputes, she would either accommodate him gratuitously, for they are in this respect generous, or would proceed in search of another purchaser, in which latter case Jack would endeavour to find a girl less cruel.

      During our operations at the camp, where carpenters, coopers, armourers, sail-makers, &c. were employed, it may be natural to suppose that many small tools and articles of great value were exposed to the natives, and as from sun-rise to sun-set the camp was perfectly invested with them, it would have been impossible to prevent, or to have detected thefts, had they been so inclined; but as numerous as they were, constantly assisting us in our labours, mixing with our men, sitting for hours, eyeing with the greatest attention the different works, carrying or handling and examining tools of every description, entering our tents and houses; performing for us many domestic services, added to which, assisting us in our wars, carrying for us our arms, our clothing, and provisions, being absent from us whole days with those precious objects, still, during our stay, no article, of the most trifling nature, was ever missed by any person, except the small articles which

were pilfered from the sailors by their girls, and this was in all probability in retaliation for the tricks which had been played on them. The clothing of the officers and men which were washed at a stream, much frequented by the natives of both sexes, at the distance of near half a mile from the camp, were frequently exposed to them, and might easily have been carried off unperceived; but no article of this nature was ever lost, and I am inclined to believe that an honester or more friendly and better disposed people do not exist under the sun. They have been stigmatized by the name of savages; it is a term wrongly applied; they rank high in the scale of human beings, whether we consider them morally or physically. We find them brave, generous, honest, and benevolent, acute, ingenious, and intelligent, and their beauty and regular proportions of their bodies, correspond with the perfections of their minds: they are far above the common stature of the human race, seldom less than five feet eleven inches, but most commonly six feet two or three inches, and every way proportioned: their faces are remarkably handsome, with keen, piercing eyes; teeth white, and more beautiful than ivory; countenances open and expressive, which bespeak every emotion of their souls; limbs which might serve as a model for a statuary, and strength and activity proportioned to their appearance: the skin of the men is of a dark copper-colour, but that of the youths and girls is of a light brown – the first are as beautiful as those of any part of the world; but the later, although possessing intelligent and open countenances, fine eyes and teeth, and much acuteness and vivacity, are far from being as handsome as the men – their limbs and hands (particularly the latter) are more beautifully proportioned than those of any other women; but a graceless walk, and a badly shaped foot, occasioned by going without shoes, take greatly from their charms. They possess much cunning, much coquetry, and no fidelity: the first proves a mind filled with intelligence and susceptible of improvement; the second is natural to their sex in every part of the world; and the third they do not consider as necessary; it is not expected of them by their husbands; and although transient visitors, like us, may have wished it, and they knew that it would have been agreeable, still they could not be persuaded

that we had stronger claims on them in this respect than those who had generously given them up entirely to us during our stay among them. Go into their houses, you might there see instances of the strongest affection of wives for their husbands and husbands for their wives, parents for their daughters, and daughters for their parents; but at the camp they met as perfect strangers: all our men appeared to have a right to all their women, provided they could agree among themselves; every woman was left at her own disposal, and every thing pertaining to her person was considered as her own exclusive property. Virtue among them, in the light which we view it, was unknown, and they attached no shame to a proceeding which they not only considered as natural, but as an innocent and harmless amusement, by which no one was injured: many parents considered themselves as honoured by the preference given to their daughters, and testified their pleasure by large presents of hogs and fruit, which to them must have appeared munificent. With the young and timid virgins, no coercive measures were used by their parents to compel them to make any sacrifices, but endearing and soothing persuasions enforced by rewards, were frequently adopted to overcome their fears. With the common sailors and their girls all was helter skelter, and promiscuous intercourse, every girl the wife of every man in the mess, and frequently of every man in the ship; each one from time to time took such as suited his fancy and convenience, and no one among them formed a connection which was likely to produce tears at the moment of separation. With those of a superior class, the case was different; the connections formed were respectable, and although their fair friends delighted in playing, on every occasion, little tricks of infidelity, which they considered as perfectly harmless, still they showed a fondness for the person with whom they were connected, and the parting in several instances, I am sure, occasioned tears of real sorrow.

      I must however do them the justice to say that in practising the little infidelities above mentioned, they did not appear sensible of doing an injury to their lover; they were done as acts of retaliation on some of their female acquaintances; they were always flattered by a preference given them, and this preference en-

forced by the powerful charm of a whale's tooth could at all times purchase the favours of the best of them. When they had gained their prize they could not refrain from boasting of it to their confidants, and in time came to the ears of the lady who supposed she had the stronger claim to the tooth; this produced an act of retaliation on her part, not to injure her lover, but to mortify the lady who had infringed on her prerogatives. It is true they are not insensible to jealousy, but this feeling is confined altogether to the females, who watch as carefully the conduct of their lovers as the most jealous Don the wanderings of his spouse. She appears much offended if he show any attention to another female, and claims him exclusively as her own: whether this proceeds from motives of interest, which leads them to believe that all the little tie ties which he has to bestow should in time fall to them, or from custom, which gives to the females of this island a privilege which is supposed to be confined only to the men in other countries, I cannot say, but perhaps from both. The young girls of this island are the wives of all who can purchase their favours, and a handsome daughter is considered by her parents as a blessing which secures to them, for a time, wealth and abundance. After they have advanced in years and have had children, they form more permanent connections, and appear then as firmly attached to their husbands as the women of any other country: indeed it has often afforded me the most lively pleasure to witness the strong affection which husbands and wives have shown for each other, and the tender care they at all times bestow on their offspring; they appeared actuated by one interest, and both took equal pleasure in fondling their infants. But the girls, from twelve to eighteen years of age rove at will; this period of their lives is a period of unbounded pleasure, unrestrained in all their actions, unconfined by domestic occupations, their time is spent in dancing, singing, and ornamenting their persons to render themselves more attractive in the eyes of man, on whom they indiscriminately bestow their favours, unrestrained by shame or fear of the consequences. That terrible disease which has proved so destructive to mankind is unknown to them, and they give free scope to the indulgence of their passions, living in the most pleasurable licentiousness.

      The dress of the women is handsome and far from being immodest; it has already been in part described, but a more minute description may not be unsatifactory. It consists of three parts only: The head-dress, the robe, and the part worn as the petticoat: the first is called pahhee, the second cahu, and the third ahuwahee. The pahhee consists of a remarkably fine and white piece of paper cloth, of open texture, and much resembling a species of fine gause, called by us spiders' web; this is put on in a very neat and tasty manner, and greatly resembles a close cap; the hair is put up gracefully in a knot behind, and the head, when dressed in this manner, bears no slight resemblance to the prevailing fashion of the present day in America. The cahu consists of a long and flowing piece of paper-cloth, of a close and strong texture, which envelops the body extending to the ankles, and has its upper corners tastily knotted on one shoulder, having frequently the whole of the opposite arm and part and sometimes the whole of the breast exposed. They display many graces in the use of this part of the dress, sporting the knot sometimes on one shoulder, and sometimes on the other, at times carefully concealing and at others exposing most of their charms; sometimes the knot is brought in front, when the whole of both breasts is exposed to view; at other times it is thrown behind to display a well-formed back and shoulders, or a slender waist.

      The ahuwakee is a piece of cloth which passes twice round the waist and hangs down to the calves of the legs performing the part of a petticoat to conceal the only part they are ashamed of exposing. The whole or this dress being white, and generally kept clean and neat, gives to these female islanders an appearance of grace and modesty not to be found among any others in a state of nature. Their ornaments consist of beads strung round their necks, and circular pieces of ivory or whales' teeth attached to their ears; they have also another species of ornament tastily formed of a dark kind of wood, which receives a high polish; it is fashioned something in the form of the letter Z, has its ends tipped with the mother of pearl, and is otherwise ornamented with beads and small teeth. They also wear occasionally round their necks a small wild cucumber, which abounds on the island; also a large red berry, which grows on a tree and resem-

bles at a distance the dried red peppers; the smell of this latter is agreeable, and is probably what they most esteem it for. They also are fond of tying round their necks large bunches of sweet scented flowers, and when not restrained by tabbooes they ornament their heads with rich plumage formed of the breast and tail feathers of the cock, and anoint themselves with cocoa-nut oil mixed with a red paint made from turmeric-root, which is here highly esteemed and cultivated with much care; this, in a short time, removes the yellowness of the skin, and displays a fair and clear complexion, which might vie in beauty with our handsomest dames. The roses are then blooming on their checks, and the transparency of their skin enables you to trace their fine blue veins. I had an opportunity of visiting a tribe that had not for a long time been tabbooed: the beauty and gayety of the women astonished me, and my attention was rivetted to some of the young girls, who, as respected the form of their persons, beauty of their faces, and fairness of their skins, might have served as the most perfect models.

      Agreeable to the request of the chiefs I laid down the plan of the village about to be built; the line on which the houses were to be placed was already traced by our barrier of water casks; they were to take the form of a crescent, were to be built on the outside of the enclosure, and to be connected with each other by a wall twelve feet in length and four feet in height; the houses were to be fifty feet in length, built in the usual fashion of the country, and of a proportioned width and height.

      On the 3rd. November, upwards of four thousand natives, from the different tribes assembled at the camp with materials for building, and before night they had completed a dwelling house for myself and another for the officers, a sail loft, a coopers' shop, and a place for our sick, a bake house, a guard house, and a shed for the sentinel to walk under; the whole were connected by the walls as above described. We removed our barrier of water casks, and took possession of our delightful village, which had been built as if by enchantment.

      Nothing can exceed the regularity with which these people carried on their work, without any chief to guide them, without confusion, and without much noise; they performed their labour

with expedition and neatness; every man appeared to be master of his business, and every tribe appeared to strive which should complete their house with most expedition and in the most perfect manner.

      When the village was completed I distributed among them several harpoons, and as usual gave them an opportunity of contending for old iron hoops; all were perfectly happy and contented, and it was the cause of great pleasure to Gattanewa and his people that I praised the house they had built above all the rest.

      It seems strange how a people living under no form of government that we could ever perceive, having no chiefs over them who appear to possess any authority, having neither rewards to stimulate them to exertion nor dread of punishment before them, should be capable of conceiving and executing, with the rapidity of lightning, works which astonished us; they appear to act with one mind, to have the same thought, and to be operated on by the same impulse; they can be compared only to the beaver, whose instinct teaches them to design and execute works much claim our admiration. Of all the labour which most surprised me that of carrying the gun to the mountains seemed the greatest. I have since, with much difficulty, and at the hazard of breaking my neck, travelled the path by which it was carried, or rather I have scrambled along the sides of the precipices, and have climbed the almost perpendicular rocks and mountains to the summits of which they succeeded in raising it; and I never should have believed it possible that a people so devoid of artificial means of assisting labour should have been able to perform a task so truly herculian. I inquired by what manner they had divided the labour among themselves in order that each might share his proportion of it. They told me they had carried it by valleys, that is, the people of one valley, had agreed to take it a certain distance, when it was to be received and carried on by those of another valley, and so on to the top of the mountain. This was all the information I could obtain on the subject; no doubt they had recourse to some mode of apportioning the labour among themselves; for it was observed that they, from time to time, relieved each other, and that some were occupied solely in the transportation of the carriage. The gun was brought down again, without any desire being ex-

pressed on my part, when there was no longer expected to be a use for it. I had felt indifferent about the gun, as we had an abundance of them, and if I had any wish on the subject, it was that it should remain on the mountains as a monument of their great exertions.

      As I before remarked, they have no chiefs who appear to assume any authority over them, they have only patriarchs who possess solely, the mild and gentle influence of a kind and indulgent father among his children. Gattanewa owns much land, his tenants pay him in kind; when presents are to be made he calls upon them for his due in hogs, cocoa-nuts, bananas, or bread-fruit; other land-holders follow his example, the contributors assemble before his house one with two or more cocoa-nuts; a bunch of bananas, one or two bread-fruit, a hog, a stalk of sugar-cane, or a root of tarra. When all are assembled Gattanewa, his son, or grand-son takes the lead, and they march in one line for the camp, to the number of two or three hundred. In the same manner we received the contributions of all the other tribes, with this difference only, that all the tribes except those of the valley of Tieuhoy, were always preceded by a person bearing a white flag. When I asked Gattanewa why this practice was not adopted by the people of his valley, his reply was, every body knew we were friends.

      Although no external marks of respect were shown to Gattanewa, although he mixed unnoticed in the crowd, although he steered and sometimes paddled his own canoe, caught fish for his family, assisted in the construction of canoes, in the formation of household and other utensils, and bore the reputation of being one of the most ingenious and industrious mechanics on the island, still Gattanewa had his rank, and that rank was known and respected. To touch the top of his head, or any thing which had been on his head was sacrilege. To pass over his head was an indignity never to be forgotten. Gattanewa, nay, all his family, scorn to pass a gate-way which is ever closed, or a house with a door; all must be as open and as free as the unrestrained manners of their lives; he will pass under nothing which has been raised by the hand of man, if there be a possibility of getting round or over it; often have I seen him walk the whole length of our barrier, in preference to passing between our water casks; and at the risk

of his life scramble over the loose stones of a wall in preference to going through the gate-way. The matt on which Gattanewa reposes is held in such respect, that it cannot be touched by a female, not even by his wife and family, whose matts in turn are tabooed for those of an inferior class. Indeed there are women, and some of the handsomest on the island, whose parents are considered wealthy and respectable, but they dare not walk or sit on a matt, they are not of royal blood, and this is a prerogative which seems confined to them.

      Gattanewa has his servants, who perform for him and his family many domestic services, such as cooking, bringing water, &c. it does not appear, however, that he has any claims on their services, he gives them food, and as long as it suits them they stay; they mix with his family, occupy the same room, and a stranger on entering the house of Gattanewa, would not know him from one of his domestics.

      By the time our village was completed, every thing had been taken out of the frigate; the powder and provisions deposited on board the prizes, and the ship had been thoroughly smoaked with charcoal, to destroy the rats, which, on opening the hatches, were found in great numbers dead about the large pots in which the fires were made: several tubs full of them were collected and thrown overboard, and it was supposed that exclusive of the young, which were killed in the nests and could not be found, we did not destroy a less number than from twelve to fifteen hundred. The caulking and other repairs of the ship went on with much expedition and regularity, and among other defects we found her main-top-mast in a very decayed state; we were however enabled to replace it with a spare one on board, and every thing promised that we should not meet with many embarrassments or delays. As soon, however, as our painting commenced we felt the want of oil. We caught two remarkably large sharks, and endeavoured to substitute the oil extracted from their livers, but found it would not answer; we next tried black-fish oil, but it did not succeed: fortunately finding a small quantity of the oil of the black-whale on board our prizes, we found it answered nearly as well to paint as that which is extracted from flax-seed and generally known by the name of linseed oil; with this we were enabled to improve the

external appearance of the ship, but had not a sufficient quantity to paint her inside. We afterwards, however, found that this island affords an excellent substitute for linseed oil, in the oily walnuts, formerly mentioned, as being used by the natives for ripening bananas, and as candles. The oil, of which they afford a large quantity, is easily expressed, and is no ways inferior to the best paint oil, and as such is used not only by the natives of the Sandwich Islands, where it abounds, for painting their clothes, but by vessels touching there, which need a supply of that article.

      We found our copper much injured in many parts a little below the surface of the water, and were enabled by means of the supply we had obtained and secured from our prizes to give it the necessary repairs, after giving the ship a slight careen. Her bottom was found, on examination, to have on it very large barnacles, in considerable quantities, together with much grass and moss, which had no doubt collected at the Gallapagoes; to cleanse it and free the ship from those embarrassments which must greatly impede her sailing, the natives were employed, who by diving down, with the assistance of the outer shell of the cocoa-nut, soon removed all these obstacles. The boatswain, as soon as he had completely overhauled the rigging of the ship, was employed on shore with a number of hands, where a rope-walk was established, to enlarge to a suitable size for a sea stock, the whale line and other small cordage found on board our prizes, as also to make into small cordage the junk remaining from our old and condemned cables. Every thing went on with order and regularity; every person was employed to the best advantage, and yet all were allowed sufficient time for amusement and relaxation; wrestling, throwing the spear, jumping, and pitching quoits now occupied some of their leisure time, for the girls, who had formerly engrossed the whole of it, were now less attended to, and indeed were frequently reduced to the necessity of suing in vain.

      Temma Tipee of the valley of Shoueme had not been so punctual as the other tribes in sending in his supplies, and his example had in some measure occasioned a falling off on the part of the others. I therefore found it necessary to let him know that I had noticed his neglect, and consequently sent a messenger to him to inquire whether he was disposed to remain on friendly

terms with me, as he might take his choice, either peace or war. On the return of the messenger, he informed me, that Temaa Tipee desired nothing more ardently than peace, and that he should have been more punctual in the performance of his engagements had not the Happahs refused to permit him and his tribe a passage through their valley: (I suspected this to be false, I knew that the Happahs dare not act so contrary to my wishes) he, however, promised to bring his supplies by water in future punctually, and in the course of the day after the return of the messenger, landed at the beech in front of the village with six large canoes laden with hogs and fruit. His complaint of the Happahs had induced me to send a messenger immediately to that tribe, with a threat of punishment, in case of future difficulties between them and the tribes with whom I was at peace; they denied positively having refused him a passage, and strengthened their assertions with fresh supplies.

      On the arrival of Temaa Tipee I remonstrated with him on the falsehood he had told me; he assured me that as he returned home from my camp, they had not only threatened, but had thrown stones at him, calling him coward, and threatening to drive him off his land; but on a closer inquiry I found that I had been misinformed as to the tribe that had treated him so cavalierly. It had been the warlike tribe of the Typees of the valley of Vieehee, who had excited so much alarm in the minds of the Shouemes. They had always been the allies of each other; their valleys were only separated by a small ridge, they had intermarried and became almost as one tribe. The principal villages of the Shouemes were situated near the water, and wholly exposed to our attacks, while those of the Typees were considered as secured by their distance from the sea, and the almost impenetrable forests and perpendicular mountains by which only they were to be approached. The first consulted prudence, the others felt their own strength and security, and confided in them, and losing sight of the exposed situation of the Shouemes, attributed their conduct to cowardice alone, and spurned them as a degenerate tribe, unworthy of future alliance with them. Temaa Tipee claimed my protection, which I promised him; he then requested me to exchange names; I told him I had but

two, one of which, (and the one I most esteemed) I had exchanged with Gattanewa, the other, however, was at his service as long as he and his tribe remained faithful to us; he and all present promised fidelity, and I gave him the name of David, while I took that of Temaa Tipee. Tavee (for so he called himself) and all his tribe were greatly pleased at the compliment, and from that time to the time of our departure conducted themselves with the utmost fidelity and friendship, and seldom permitted more than four or five days to elapse without sending in presents. Tavee was one of the handsomest men on the island, remarkably fond of ornamenting his person, a strip of red cloth, a string of beads, or a whale's tooth, had charms for him which were irresistible, and every thing which he held most dear were offered to obtain them.

      The wife of Tavee was said to be the handsomest woman on the island, and he the fondest husband. Yet Tavee has repeatedly offered her to me for a string of glass beads.

      Some time after this I sent a messenger to the Typees to know if they wished to be at peace with us, and threatened them with punishment in case of hostilities to any tribe which had allied themselves to us; that we were strongly disposed to be at peace with all the tribes on the island; that this disposition did not proceed from fear, as I had strength enough to drive their united forces into the sea; but if they were disposed to be at peace, I was willing to meet them on the same terms as the other tribes, and only required an exchange of presents as a proof of their friendly disposition. In reply they desired to know why they should desire a friendship with us? why they should bring us hogs and fruit? that if I was strong enough they knew I would come and take them; and that my not doing so was an acknowledgment of my weakness; and that it was time enough to think of parting with them when they could no longer keep their valley. I was desirous of avoiding as long as possible hostilities with those people, but was fearful that their example might change the conduct of others towards us; their message was delivered to me in the presence of Gattanewa, of Mouina, and many of the friendly tribes. Mouina frothed with rage, and was for proceeding to hostilities immediately; but Gattanewa became serious and dejected, and

after a silence of a few minutes told me he would send his son to advise them to be friendly with us; nay, said the old man, I will go myself; they are not aware of the dreadful effects of bouhies, and they must not suffer in consequence of their ignorance. I told him to send his son, that he was too old to proceed to so great a distance, and that I would wait his return before I determined what course to pursue. In two days he returned and was desired by the Typees to tell Gattanewa and all the people of the valley of Tieuhoy that they were cowards – that we had beat the Happahs because the Happahs were cowards; that as to myself and my people, we were white lizards, mere dirt; and as the most contemptible epithet which they could apply, said we were the posteriors and the privates of the Taeehs. We were, said they, incapable of standing fatigue, overcome by the slightest heat and want of water, and could not climb the mountains without Indians to assist us and carry our arms; and yet we talked of chastising the Typees, a tribe which had never been driven by an enemy, and as their gods informed them were never to be driven. They dared us to come into their valley, and said they would convince us they did not dread our bouhies as much as they were dreaded by the cowardly tribes of the Taeehs, Happahs, and Shouemes. Now, said Gattanewa, I consent to war, they deserve chastisement; and Mouina shortly afterwards appeared at the village boiling with rage, and in rather a peremtory tone insisted on immediate hostilities. My aim was to render all the tribes subservient to my views, and I thought it necessary to check the manner of Mouina, lest it might become contagious, and I should find a difficulty in keeping them in that subjugation by which only we could render ourselves secure. I told him, therefore, that I did not need his advice, and that I should go to war or make peace when I thought proper, without consulting him; that it was only necessary that he should do as I directed him, and every thing must be left to my management I further told him to leave our village until he could learn to conduct himself more respectfully. He walked off a few paces among the crowd, then turning round, coolly said, he believed I was a great coward. Forgetting that this was the observation of a mere Indian, I seized a musket and pursued him; he retreated among the crowd, and on my approaching

him, presenting the musket and threatning him with destruction on a repetition of such expressions, terror was marked on his countenance; I directed him immediately to leave the enclosure and never presume to enter it again.

      I now inquired of Gattanewa the number of war canoes which he could equip and man; he informed me ten, and that each would carry about thirty men, and that the Happahs could equip an equal number of equal size; he told me it would be six days before they could be put together and got in readiness; but if I wished it his people should set about it immediately. I directed them to do so, and despatched a messenger to the Happahs directing them to prepare their war canoes to be in readiness to go to war with the Typees, and await my further orders. I gave them as well as the Taeehs to understand that it was my intention to attack them both by sea and by land, and that I should send a large body of men in boats and a ship to protect the landing of them and the war canoes, and that the remainder of the warriors of both tribes must proceed by land to attack them in the part where they were most assailable. I had hoped now to terrify the Typees by the formidable armament which was coming against them, and was glad to fix on some distant period for the commencement of hostilities, anxious to put them off as long as possible. Every thing now bore the appearance of war; the Taeehs and Happahs could talk and think of nothing else, and I found it policy to keep this spirit alive, as it was likely to secure their friendship to us: apprehensive however of a change of disposition on their part, I now conceived the design of constructing a fort, not only as a protection to our village and the harbour, but as a security to the Taeehs against further incursions; and while it would enable us to give to them the most ample protection, it would place them perfectly in our power, in the event of any hostility on their part. The place I had fixed on has been in some measure described as well suiting the purpose: we had an abundance of old water casks, which, when filled with dirt, would afford an excellent breast-work, and small guns which we could conveniently mount: but before the commencement of this undertaking, I considered it adviseable to obtain the consent of the tribes of the valley. I had for some time past intended leaving my prizes here as the most suitable place

to lay them up, and this fort would give them additional security; besides I believed that the possession of this island might at some future period be of importance to my country, and I was desirous of rendering her claim to it indisputable. With these objects in view I called on Gattanewa, and inquired of him and his people, who had assembled, whether they had any objections to my constructing the fort: they informed me that they were much pleased with my intention, as it would enable me to give them more effectual protection, and requested that they might be permitted to assist in its construction. I now required to know of them whether they would always be faithful to the American flag and assist us in opposing our enemies; they informed me that they had placed themselves entirely under my protection and control, that our enemies should be their enemies, that they would always receive my countrymen as brethren among them, and as far as lay in their power prevent our enemies from coming among them, knowing them to be such. I had frequently informed them of our being at war with Great Britain, and now explained to them the nature of our government, on which Gattanewa requested that they might not only be our friends and brothers but our countrymen. I promised them that they should be so, and that they should be adopted as such as soon as the fort should be completed, when a salute should be fired on the occasion.

      The Indians instructed and assisted by a few of my people levelled the top of the hill, the breast work of water casks were formed and filled with dirt, suitable spaces being left for embrasures, guns were landed from our prizes and mounted, and on the 14th of the month our fort was completed, being calculated for mounting sixteen guns, but I did not conceive it necessary at present to mount more than four. All worked with zeal, and as the friendly tribes were daily coming in with presents, all joined in the labour. The chiefs requested that they might be admitted on the same footing as the Taeehs, and every thing promised harmony between us; they would frequently speak of the war with the Typees, and I informed them I only waited for their war canoes to be put together and lanched. And now I am on the subject of war canoes I must break the chain of my narrative for

the purpose of describing these vessels, as well as such others as are in use among the natives.

      The war canoes of this island differ not much from those already described as belonging to the natives a the island of Ooahooga or Jefferson's island. They are larger, more splendid, and highly ornamented, but the construction is the same, and like them they are furnished with outriggers. They are about fifty feet in length, two feet in width, and of a proportionate depth; they are formed of many pieces, and each piece, and indeed each paddle, has its separate proprietor: to one belongs the piece projecting from the stern, to another the part forming the bow, the pieces forming the sides belong to different persons, and when a canoe is taken to pieces the whole is scattered throughout the valley, and divided, perhaps, among twenty families; each has the right of disposing of the part belonging to him, and when she is to be set up every one brings his piece with materials for securing it; and the setting up of a war canoe goes on with the same order and regularity as all their other operations. These canoes are owned only among the wealthy and respectable families, and are rarely used but for the purposes of war or for pleasure, or when the chief persons of one tribe make a visit to another; in such cases they are richly ornamented with locks of human hair intermixed with bunches of gray beard strung from the stem projection to the place raised for the steersman. These ornaments are in the greatest estimation among them, and a bunch of gray beard is in their estimation what the feathers of the ostrich or heron or the richest plumage would be in ours. The seat of the coxswain is highly ornamented with palm leaves and white cloth; he is gayly dressed and richly ornamented with plumes; the chief is seated on an elevation in the middle of the canoe, and a person fancifully dressed in the bow, which has the additional ornaments of pearl-shells strung on cocoa-nut branches raised in the fore part of the canoe. She is worked altogether by paddles, and those who work them are placed, two on a seat, and give their strokes with great regularity, shouting occasionally to regulate the time and encourage one another. These vessels, when collected in a fleet and in motion, with all their rowers exerting themselves have a splendid and warlike appearance. They were paraded repeatedly for my inspection, and in all

the reviews they appeared greatly to pride themselves on the beauty and splendor of their men of war: they are not however so fleet as might be expected, as our whale boats could beat them with great ease.

      Their fishing canoes are vessels of a larger and fuller construction, many of them being six feet in width and of an equal depth; they are managed with paddles more resembling an oar, and are, in some measure, used as such, but in a perpendicular position, the fulcrum resting on the outriggers projecting from each side; with those they proceed to the small bays on the coast, where they fish with the scoop net, and with the hook and line. They have also smaller canoes, which are commonly nothing more than the hollow keels of the large ones, after the upper works are taken off; these are furnished with outriggers, and are used for fishing about the harbour. The canoes used for the purpose of navigating from one island to another, a navigation very common, are similar in their construction to the larger kind of fishing canoes, and are secured two together by beams lashed across. These are called double canoes, and are furnished with a triangular sail made of a matt similar to that generally called a shoulder-of-mutton sail, but placed in an inverted position, the hypothenuse forming the foot of the sail, to which is secured a boom. These are also worked during a calm with paddles, and appear capable of resisting the sea for a long time. The canoes formed for the sole purpose of going in search of new lands are of a still larger construction, and are rigged in the same manner. They use also occasionally a kind of cattamanaw, which they construct in a few minutes, and a kind of surf board, similar to that used by the natives of the Sandwich Islands; these, however, scarcely deserve to be enumerated among their vessels, as they are used chiefly by the boys and girls, and are intended solely for paddling about the harbour.

      About this time I discovered a conspiracy on foot among my prisoners; their object was to possess themselves of the Essex Junior, and the plan and method by which they expected to effect this object was as follows;

      They had all been permitted to go on shore and on board the different vessels whenever they wished, on a promise of con-

ducting themselves with propriety, and not absenting themselves so that they could not be found; they were in fact admitted on parole, and all restrictions removed.

      This extensive indulgence encouraged them in the hopes of making their escape, and headed by Lawson, the mate of the Sir Andrew Hammond, they had fixed on the night of the 14th to make their attempt, which was to be effected by getting such of her crew as remained on board intoxicated with rum mixed with laudanum, which was already prepared to administer, and Lawson was to attend to this part of the scheme. The third mate, with the prisoners on shore were to get possession of the canoes on the beach, and with them surprize the ship and take her to sea, there being no other vessel ready to follow her, and there being no powder on board the Essex which would enable her to stop them. Such was their plan, and such their expectations. I had been informed of it almost as soon as it was planned, was willing to humour the scheme, and gave them every opportunity of making the trial, adopting, at the same time, suitable means to have them secured and punished for their perfidy. At the time of the formation of this plan, and while Lawson and the others were using their greatest exertions to get rum at any price it could be obtained for, our rum casks were lying on the gun-deck under charge of a centinel, where, they had been put while we were smoaking the rats; two of the centinels were detected, one in conniving and the other in assisting some persons in stealing rum. I did not inquire who were those concerned in the theft, lest the discovery might make known to the conspirators mg knowledge of their scheme. I therefore punished the centinels severely for not putting them to death, informed the crew generally of the most absolute necessity for extraordinary vigilance; and told the marines that for the next neglect of duty I should punish the offender to the utmost extent of my power, observing if it was such an offence as merited death, I should without hesitation shoot the offender.

      The next evening after going my rounds at the camp to see that every thing was right, I went to bed, and at half past ten o'clock, not hearing the centinel at the bake-house call out all's well, I inquired the cause, and the sergeant of the guard, on ex-

amination, reported to me that the centinel was lying down asleep, and that he had not disturbed him. I determined now, should this be the case, to punish him as he deserved. I felt the necessity of vigilance, not only on account of our prisoners, but on account of the natives. I felt persuaded that we owed the friendly footing on which we now stood with them entirely to our convincing them we were always on our guard, and I was determined that the safety of the whole should not he hazarded by the neglect of the marines. I therefore seized my pistol, and followed by the sergeant and a guard proceeded for the bake-house, where we found the culprit fast asleep, his musket lying beside him. I directed him to be seized, and at the same moment he was wounded through the fleshy part of the thigh; this example had a proper effect, and rendered every person more vigilant, particularly the marines. I shall make no further comments on this affair: if the punishment should appear a severe one, let those who censure me place themselves for a moment in my situation: I was far distant from the means of obtaining a judicial inquiry into his offence, which would probably have terminated fatally for him; promptness and vigilance on my part were the only sure guarantees to the success of a cruize as eventful and as extraordinary perhaps as any that was ever made.

      As I before observed, Sunday night was the period fixed on by the conspirators for making their attempt; but it unfortunately (or rather fortunately) for them it so happened that a ship hove in sight off the mouth of the harbour on Saturday afternoon, and on discovering us stood off to sea under a press of sail. The Essex Junior immediately slipped her cables and gave chace to her, and not expecting her back before Monday, I put all my prisoners in irons, and thus at once frustrated a scheme which had wholly engrossed them for the last week; and with a determination that I would make them suffer for violating their parole, I sent them all on shore to the village, and set them to work in building a wall to surround it, which was finished before my departure from the island.

      On Sunday afternoon the Essex Junior arrived: Mr. Downes had spoke the stranger, she proved to be the American ship Albatross, from the Sandwich islands, and had come for the purpose

of procuring sandal-wood: the Albatross did not get in until the next day. The arrival of this ship gave me no pleasure; for although the meeting with my countrymen in any part of the world but this would have proved a joyous event, I was in hopes that our arrival and operations here would for a long time be kept a secret, and the evils I apprehended from her making her knowledge of us public, far more than counterbalanced any satisfaction which I expected from her arrival. Some short time prior to this an event took place which threatened disagreeable consequences; the matter was however adjusted much to my satisfaction, and on the whole I considered the circumstance which gave rise to it as the most fortunate that could have happened, as it releived me entirely from my anxiety on a subject which of all others had given me the most uneasiness.

      Robert Dunn, quarter-master, had been threatened (by the officer of the watch) with punishment for some neglect of duty. Dunn said the time for which he enlisted had expired, and if he was punished he would never again do duty in the ship. When this was reported to me it occasioned me much uneasiness; most of my crew were in the situation of Dunn, and it became necessary to find a remedy for the evil; promptness and decision were necessary, and with as little loss of time as possible I caused all hands to be called on the quarter-deck, when I informed them of the offence of Dunn, then directing him to strip, I assured him that I should punish him severely, and to prevent his ever doing duty in the ship I should turn him on shore on the island, observing that his time was out, and it was proper he should have his discharge; then addressing myself to the ship's company, I expostulated with them on the impropriety and the evils likely to result from such conduct as Dunn's, and expressed a determination to have no man under my command who had it in his power to say his time was out, and he would no longer do duty. I informed them that the times of many were out, and from that moment I gave up all claim on them for their services; that they were their own masters, and should have their discharge on the spot. If they wished to enlist again for the cruise, I would enlist them, and give them the usual advance, and on a suitable occasion I would give them three days liberty on shore. That

such as refused to enlist, but would bind themselves to do duty, might remain on board till I would have an opportunity of putting them on shore in some civilized part; [sic] they should be supplied with provisions; but should be allowed neither pay nor prize-money. Such as wished their discharge were called on for their names, in order that their discharge might be made out in form, and they were all informed that the shipping papers were laid open for all such as wished to enter. I now was about proceeding to the punishment of Dunn, when most of the officers, petty officers and seamen came forward and solicited his pardon, stating that he appeared intoxicated at the time he made the observation and not sensible of the offence he committed. Dunn also begged forgiveness most earnestly, and hoped whatever other punishment I might inflict I would not turn him on shore; he was sensible his offence had been a great one, but pleaded intoxication, and as a proof of his attachment to the ship requested his name to be placed first on the list. I thought it on the whole adviseable to pardon him, the men were dismissed, every man of all the ships re-entered except one, who from some foolish whim did not wish to re-enlist, although he was desirous of remaining doing duty and receiving pay. I determined not to depart from the principles laid down; I stopped his pay, and afterwards sent him to America in the New Zealander. This affair (which when joined to conspiracies, neglect of duty, and my difficulties with the tribes had caused me much uneasiness) was now settled. The arrival of the Albatross was hailed by our seamen as the most joyful event: she had brought from Canton a cargo suited to this Island, consisting of beads and various other trinkets, to exchange with the natives for sandal-wood. She soon procured all that was to be obtained, and disposed of to our seamen the principal part of her remaining trade at the most exorbitant prices; they had ail received their advance money, it was to them useless trash, and soon disposed of for such articles as would be most likely to please their female friends, who soon hearing of the abundance of peepees (for so they called beads) and other tie ties, with which our men were supplied, flocked round our settlement from every tribe with whom we were at peace; for it must be observed that in all our treaties, the first point insisted on by the chiefs of

the different tribes was that their women should be permitted to enjoy the same privileges as those of the valley of Tieuhoy. The females of our valley frequently looked with a jealous eye on these intrusive strangers, who either from their superior beauty, or from their novelty, or from some cause unknown to me, too frequently obtained the preference over our female Taeehs, and bore off in triumph the largest strings of green-glass beads, which were, in their estimation, diamonds of the first water.

      On the 19th November, the American flag was displayed in our fort, a salute of seventeen guns was fired from the artillery mounted there, and returned by the shipping in the harbour. The island was taken possession of for the United States, and called Madison's Island, the fort, Fort Madison, the village, Madison's Ville, and the bay, Massachusetts Bay. The following declaration of the act of taking possession was read and signed, after which the prosperity of our newly acquired Island was drank by all present. The object of this ceremony had been previously and was again explained to the natives; they were all much pleased at being Melleekees, as they called themselves, and wanted to know if their new chief was as great a man as Gattanewa

      "It is hereby made known to the world that I, David Porter, a captain in the navy of the United States of America, and now in command of the United States' frigate the Essex, have, on the part of the said United States, taken possession of the island called by the natives Nooaheevah, generally known by the name of sir Henry Martin's island, but now called Madison's Island. That by the request and assistance of the friendly tribes residing in the valley of Tieuhoy, as well as of the tribes residing on the mountains, whom we have conquered and rendered tributary to our flag, I have caused the village of Madison to be built, consisting of six convenient houses, a rope walk, bakery, and other appurtenances, and for the protection of the same, as well as for that of the friendly natives, I have constructed a fort, calculated for mounting sixteen guns, whereon I have mounted four, and called the same Fort Madison

      "Our rights to this island being founded on priority of discovery, conquest, and possession, cannot be disputed; but the natives, to secure to themselves that friendly protection which their defenceless situation so much required, have requested to be admitted into the great American family, whose pure republican policy approaches so near their own; and in order to encourage these views to their own interest and happiness, as well as to render secure our claim to an island valuable, on many considerations, I have taken on myself to promise them they shall be so adopted; that our chief shall be their chief; and they have given assurances that such of their brethren as may hereafter visit them from the United States shall enjoy a welcome and hospitable reception among them, and be furnished with whatever refreshments and supplies the island may afford; that they will protect them against all their enemies, and, as far as lies in their power, they will prevent the subjects of Great Britain (knowing them to be such) from coming among them until peace shall take place between the two nations.

      "Presents consisting of the produce of the island to a great amount have been brought in by every tribe in the island, not excepting the most remote, and have been enumerated as follows, viz.

      "Six tribes in the valley of Tieuhoy called the Taeehs, viz. 1 Hoattas, 2 Maouhs, 3 Houneeahs, 4 Pakeuhs, 5 Hekuahs, 6 Havvouhs.

      "Six tribes of the Happahs, 1 Nieekees, 2 Tattievows, 3 Paohas, 4 Keekahs, 5 Tekaahs, 6 Muttawhoas.

      "Three tribes of the Maamatwuahs, l Maamatwuahs, 2 Tioahs, 3 Cahahas.

      "Three tribes of the Attatokahs, 1 Attatokahs, 4 Takeeahs, 3 Paheutahs.

      "Nieekees, one tribe.

      "Twelve tribes of the Typees, 1 Poheguahs, 2 Naeguahs, 3 Attayiyas, 4 Cahunukohas, 5 Tomavaheenahs, 6 Tickeymahues, 7 Mooaeekas, 8 Atteshows, 9 Attestapwyhtnahs, 10 Attehacoes, 11 Attetomohoys, 12 Attakakahaneuahs.

      "Most of the above have requested to be taken under the protection of our flag, and all have been willing to purchase, on any terms, a friendship which promises to them so many advantages.

      "Influenced by considerations of humanity, which promises speedy civilization to a race of men who enjoy every mental and bodily endowment which nature can bestow, and which requires only art to perfect, as well as by views of policy, which secures to my country a fruitful and populous island, possessing every advantage of security and supplies for vessels, and which, of all others, is the most happily situated, as respects climate and local position, I do declare that I have, in the most solemn manner, under the American flag displayed in Fort Madison, and in the presence of numerous witnesses taken possession of the said island, called Madison's Island, for the use of the United States, whereof I am a citizen; and that the act of taking possession was announced by a salute of seventeen guns from the artillery of Fort Madison, and returned by the shipping in the harbour, which is hereafter to be called Massachusetts Bay. – And that our claim to this island may not be hereafter disputed, I have buried in a bottle at the foot of the flag staff in Fort Madison, a copy of this instrument, together with several pieces of money, the coin of the United States.

      "In witness whereof I have hereunto affixed my signature, this 19th day of November, 1813

      The wooding, watering, and taking on board the provisions and stores went on expeditiously, and all appeared to exert themselves to hasten our departure. The Albatross remained with us but a few days, when she sailed on her return to the Sandwich Islands; but previous to her departure I sold to her commander the guns mounted on Fort Madison solely with a view of doing away any impression as to my motives in mounting them there: all now supposed that it vas done only with a view of going through the formality of taking possession; but at a suitable time after her departure they were replaced by others.

      On the Albatross going to sea, which was on the 24th of November, I sent some of my boats to tow her out, and went on board myself to deliver to the captain all our letters, carefully put up in lead, to be thrown overboard in case of capture. I went as far as the mouth of the harbour, when finding the morning pleasant and the sea smooth I determined to proceed to the bay, which I had understood was to the westward, for the purpose of giving it an examination. I accordingly despatched Mr. Shaw to the frigate for arms, and on his rejoining me we put off and arrived in the bay we were in search of in about an hour and a half; the distance from Massachusetts Bay was supposed to be about eight miles, the coast between being generally iron bound, with the exception of two beaches and some coves making in, which did not appear to offer any shelter or other advantages. The bay, of which we could see no traces, until we were very close in with it, is narrow at its entrance and makes in two coves, the most eastern of which affording the best shelter and landing, but appears destitute of inhabitants and (I conclude also) of water, as I could perceive no rivulets. We landed in the western cove, near the village, and at the mouth of a beautiful rivulet which was meandering through the valley, and is of sufficient depth for their largest canoes to enter. On landing, many of the natives came to the beach, who seemed disposed to treat us in the most friendly manner; but apprehensive of being troubled by their numbers I drew a line in the sand at some distance about the boats, and informed them they were tabbooed, and as an additional security to us, I caused all the arms to be loaded and ready for service on the first alarm, and centinels placed over them. Shortly after this the

chief came down to invite me to the public square, the general place in all their villages for the reception of strangers. Shortly after our arrival the women and girls assembled from all quarters of the town, dressed out in all their finery to meet us; they were here free from all the restraints imposed by the taboos and were abundantly annointed with the oil of the cocoa-nut, and their skins well bedaubed with red and yellow paint, as was their clothing; some were also smeared with greenish paint, the object of which I found on inquiry, was to preserve the fairness and beauty of the skin, and indeed of this they seemed to take particular pains, every one of them being furnished with a kind of umbrella, formed of a bunch of palm leaves, to shield them from the effects of the sun: their care and attention in this particular had rendered them far superior in point of beauty to the females of our valley, and the difference was so striking as to make them appear a distinct people. Some of the girls, probably in compliment to us, or to render themselves more attractive in our eyes, cleansed themselves (by washing in the stream) of their oil and paint, threw aside their bedaubed clothing, and soon appeared neatly clad in cloth of the purest white; and I can say, without exaggeration, that I never have seen women more perfectly beautiful in form, features, and complexion, or that had playful innocence more strongly marked on their countenances or in their manners; all seemed perfectly easy and even graceful, and all strove by their winning attentions, who should render themselves most pleasing to us. The girls formed a circle round us, and those of a more advanced aged were seated outside of them; the men showed us every kind attention, and strove to convince us of their friendship by bringing us cocoa-nuts, and cooking for us hogs and bread-fruit after their manner, which were found excellent. The manner of cleansing and cooking their hogs is as follows: a hole of a convenient size is dug in the ground, the bottom and sides of which are lined with stones, a fire is then made in it and the whole covered with more stones. The hog is then strangled, and when the stones are sufficiently heated is drawn backwards and forwards on them to remove the bristles, which, by this practice, is easily taken off, he is then taken to the stream and there gutted and washed clean; the upper layer of stones and fire are then remov-

ed, and the lower tier and sides are carefully covered with plantain leaves, on which the hog is laid after having his inside filled with hot stones enveloped with leaves; the whole is then covered with the same kind of leaves, and the remaining stones are laid on him, over which is placed another covering of leaves, and this is covered with dirt, which had been taken from the hole: in the course of an hour it is perfectly cooked, the coverings are carefully removed, and the meat served up on clean plantain leaves, and no mode of cooking can possibly excel it in point of taste, cleanliness, or appearance. The bread-fruit is also enveloped in plantain leaves and roasted in the embers. When the hog was cooked it was served up to us in the circle, and we amused ourselves in dividing the choicest pieces among the handsomest girls, who testified much pleasure at the attentions paid to them, after which we extended our civilities to the other women, and divided the remainder among the men, after reserving a small portion to ourselves. A daughter of Gattanewa was among them; she was the wife of the chief who had met us on our arrival; she seemed no less friendly disposed than her husband, and embraced me as her father, reminding me frequently that from the exchange of names I had become such; from her filial affection she bestowed on me a bountiful supply of the red and yellow paint with which she was covered, and insisted on my sending away my boats and people and remaining with them until the next day, and no excuse that I could offer for my return to the ship would satisfy her; they all joined in her solicitations, and, as an inducement for me to remain, promised me the choicest matts to sleep on and the handsomest girls in the village to sing me to sleep. After our repast all the women joined in a song, which was accompanied by the clapping of hands; it lasted near half an hour, and was not unmusical. I inquired the subject of it, and was informed by Wilson that it was the history of the loves of a young man and a young woman of their valley: they sung their mutual attachment and the praises of their beauty; described with raptures the handsome beads and whales' teeth ear rings with which she was bedecked, and the large whale's tooth which hung from his neck. They afterwards joined in a short song which they appeared to compose as they sung, in which I could plainly distinguish the words Opotee, ti ties,

peepees &c. (Porter presents beads, &c.) after which they strove in various ways who should most amuse us, the men in dancing, the girls in playing scratch cradle, (an amusement well know in America) at which they are more dextrous than any other I ever met with: the thread used for this purpose is made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, and is generally worn by the young girls (who greatly delight in this amusement) round the neck, or made up with much ingenuity and compactness into a small skein and is put through the hole of the ear and serves the double purpose of keeping it distended and amusing them occasionally, It is really astonishing to see what variety of forms they will give to this thread and with what dexterity and expedition they will change it from one form to another: sometimes it assumes the appearance of the finest net-work, and in an instant changes its appearance to that of lace. Sometimes the reticulations are diamond like, square or polyedrous, and sometimes compounded of the whole: in this amusement every finger is employed, which, as well as the hand, being remarkable for their slender and delicate form, occasioned us to contemplate this diversion with much pleasure, for what in nature can be more interesting than a beautiful young female, whose face bespeaks the guilelessness of her heart engaged in an amusement which requires the employment of both their hands, and (habited as they are) leaves every charm exposed to the devouring eyes. Let the philosopher mourn over the depravity, as he may call it, of human nature; let him express his horror, that civilized man can, for a moment, be lured by the charms of a savage; let the moralist, from his closet, preach the charms of virtue and deformity of vice; still I shall not let fall the curtain; the veil shall still be raised and nature exposed; I shall exhibit her deformities, when I meet them; but shall also display her beauties. The charms of wild uncultivated nature are not the less admired, and the rose of the wilderness is not less beautiful than that of the parterre.

      Our time passed rapidly with these kind people, and the evening approached before we were aware of it. It became necessary to hasten to the ship, and we bade them farewell, with a promise that we should shortly return and bring with us a larger supply of peepees and other tie ties, so much desired by them.

      This bay, as I before observed, affords good shelter; the entrance is narrow, the water deep, and the landing good; but I should not deem it adviseable to enter with a large vessel, as the lee point runs out for a great distance, and must render the egress difficult and dangerous. The rocks forming this valley are steep and inaccessible, but the lower grounds fertile and are thickly covered with plantations. The village is handsome and regularly laid out in streets, and the whole country romantic in the extreme. I called this bay in compliment to lieutenant Lewis of the United States navy, who first discovered it, Lewis's Bay.

      On my return to the ship, I directed Mr. John J. King, master's mate, to take command of the New Zealander, to proceed to the United States, after taking on board that ship all the oil of my other prizes, which I expected would complete her cargo; every article not necessary for her was sent on shore, and every exertion was made to despatch her as soon as possible

long since by the Happahs. The stench here was intolerable from the number of offerings which had been made, but, attracted by curiosity, I went to examine the canoes more minutely, and found the bodies of two of the Typees, whom we had killed in a bloated state lying in the bottom of that of the priest, and many other human carcasses, with the flesh still on them, lying about the canoe. The other canoes, they informed me, belonged to different warriors who had been killed, or died not long since. I asked them why they had placed their effigies in the canoes, and also why they put the bodies of the dead Typees in that of the priest; they told me (as Wilson interpreted) that they were going to heaven, and that it was impossible to get there without canoes. The canoe of the priest being large, he was unable to manage it himself, nor was it right that he should, he being now a god: they had, therefore, placed in it the bodies of the Happahs and Typees, which had been killed since his death, to paddle him to the place of his destination; but he had not been able yet to start, for the want of a full crew, as it would require ten to paddle her, and as yet they had only procured eight. They told me also that the taboo, laid in consequence of his death, would continue until he had started on his voyage, which he would not be able to do until they had killed two more of their enemies, and by this means complete his crew. I inquired if he took any sea stock with him: they told me he did, and pointing to some red hogs in an enclosure, they informed that they were intended for him, as well as a quantity of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, &c. which would be collected from the trees in the grove. I inquired if he had far to go; they replied, no: and pointing to a small square stone enclosure, informed me that was their heaven, that he was to go there; this place was tabooed, they told me, for every one except their priests.

      Gattanewa was present at the time this information was given me by some of the priest's servants or underlings, who had the charge of the place, and resided in houses constructed for them in front of the grove. Some time previous to this I had been tabooed at my request by Gattanewa: this gave me the privilege of visiting and examining all their places of religious worship, and I now took advantage of my right in going into the grove among the gods, accompanied by the attendants on the

place. Wilson could not accompany me there, and I was not enabled to make inquiry on many subjects; but observing that they treated all their gods with little respect, frequently catching them by their large ears, drawing my attention to their wide mouths, their flat noses, and large eyes, and pointing out to me, by signs, all their other deformities. I told Wilson to inform them I thought they treated their gods very disrespectfully – they told me that those were like themselves, mere attendants on their divinity, as they were on the priest; that I had not yet seen their greatest of all gods, that he was in a small house which they pointed out, situated at the corner of the grove; and on my expressing a desire to see him, after a short consultation among themselves, they brought him out on the branch of the cocoa-nut tree, when I was surprised to find him only a parcel of paper cloth secured to a piece of a spear about four feet long; it in some measure resembled a child in swaddling cloths, and the part intended to represent the head had a number of strips of cloth hanging from it about a foot in length; I could not help laughing at the ridiculous appearance of the god they worshipped, in which they all joined me with a great deal of good humour, some of them dandling and nursing the god, as a child would her doll. They now asked me if I should like to see some of their religious ceremonies, and on my answering in the affirmative, they seated themselves in a ring, and placed the god, with the cocoa-nut branch under him, on the ground; one of them stood in the circle before the god, and as soon as the others began to sing and clap their hands, he fell to dancing with all his might, cutting a number of antic capers, then picking up the god, and whirling it over his shoulders several times, laid it down again, when a pause ensued: they now began another song, when the dancer, with no less violence than before, after whirling the god about, carried it out of the circle and laid it down on the ground: then shifted it from place to place, and afterwards returned it to the cocoa-nut branch within the circle. After a short pause the dancer asked the singers several questions with great earnestness, and on their all answering in the affirmative, he took up the god on the branch and deposited it in the house. I inquired of Wilson the purport of the song, he told me they were singing the praises of their god; but this was all he

could tell me. The inquiries of the dancer were whether this was not the greatest of all gods, whether they were not bound to sacrifice their lives to preserve him, and whether, if they should lose him, there would not be an end of their race. They showed me an abundance of plumes and other ornaments belonging to their divinity, and in front of the house, where he was kept, there was a kind of sedan chair, ornamented with leaves and cloth in the most fanciful manner, which was for the purpose of carrying their god on some ceremony. I endeavoured to ascertain whether they had an idea of a future state, rewards and punishments, and the nature of their heaven. As respects the latter article, they believed it to be an island, somewhere in the sky, abounding with every thing desirable; that those killed in war and carried off by their friends go there, provided they are furnished with a canoe and provisions, but that those who are carried off by the enemy, never reach it unless a sufficient number of the enemy can be obtained to paddle his canoe there, and for this reason they were so anxious to procure a crew for their priest, who was killed and carried off by the Happahs. They have neither rewards nor punishments in this world, and I could not learn that they expected any in the next – their religion, however, is like a play-thing, an amusement to them, and I very much doubt whether they, at any moment, give it a serious thought; their priests and jugglers manage those matters for them; what they tell them they believe, and do not put themselves to the trouble of considering whether it is right or wrong. If the priests tell them they shall have rain within a certain period they believe him, if it does not rain agreeable to his prediction they think no more of it. They deal greatly in charms and incantations; by them they believe they can procure the death of their enemies, and effect the cure of the most dangerous wounds and sickness; the priests are their principal surgeons and physicians; they loose many of their patients, still the people believe them none the less; they are not fond of trouble, and least of all, the trouble of thinking. They are very credulous, and will as readily believe in one religion as another. I have explained to them the nature of the Christian religion, in a manner to suit their ideas; they listened with much attention, appeared pleased with the novelty of it, and agreed that our God

must be greater than theirs. Had a catholic priest been with me at the moment, he might have made converts of every individual in the valley. It is difficult to obtain a correct idea of their religion; I do not believe that one native in a thousand can explain the nature of it; the priests themselves appear much at a loss. Tawattaa attached himself to Mr. Adams, having learnt that he was our priest. Mr. Adams endeavoured to collect from him some notions of his religion, and among other things inquired of him whether, according to their belief, the body was translated to the other world or only the spirit; the priest, after a considerable pause, at length replied, that the flesh and bones went to the earth, but that all within went to the sky: from his manner, however, the question seemed greatly to embarrass him, and it appeared as though a new field was opened to his view.

      I believe, from what I have seen and learnt of these people, that their religion is the same as that of the Society and Sandwich Islands; a religion that not only perplexed captain Cook, but all the learned men who accompanied him to find out, and as may be naturally supposed has greatly perplexed me. Their priests are their oracles; they are considered but little inferior to their Gods; to some they are greatly superior, and after their death they rank with the chief divinity. Besides the gods at the burying-place, or morai, for so it is called by them, they have their household gods, as well as small gods, which are hung round their necks, generally made of human bones, and others, which are carved on the handles of their fans, on their stilts, their canes, and more particularly on their war clubs; but those gods are not held in any estimation, they are sold, exchanged, and given away with the same indifference as any other object, and indeed the most precious relic, the skulls and other bones of their relations, are disposed of with equal indifference.

      When we were at war with the Typees, the Happahs and Tayeehs made a strict search in the houses of the enemy for the skulls of their ancestors, who had been slain in battle (knowing where they were deposited); many were found, and the possessors seemed rejoiced that they had recovered from the enemy so inestimable a relic. Dr. Hoffman seeing a man with three or four skulls strung round his waist, asked him for them, and they

were given up immediately, although they had belonged to his father, brother, or some near relation. Next day several appeared at the village with skulls to traffic for harpoons. A very old man came to the village as a representative from one of the tribes, and wishing to make me a present, and having nothing else to give me, took from his neck a string of bones cut in the form of their gods, and assured me they were the bones of his grandmother.

      In religion these people are mere children; their morais are their baby-houses, and their gods are their dolls. I have seen Gattanewa with all his sons, and many others sitting for hours together clapping their hands and singing before a number of little wooden gods laid out in small houses erected for the occasion, and ornamented with strips of cloth; they were such houses as a child would have made, of about two feet long and eighteen inches high, and no less than ten or twelve of them in a cluster, like a small village; by the side of this were several canoes, furnished with their paddles, sienes, harpoons, and other fishing apparatus, and round the whole a line was drawn to show that the place was tabooed; within this line was Gattanewa and others, like overgrown babies, singing and clapping their hands, sometimes laughing and talking, and appeared to give their ceremony no attention; he asked me if the place was not very fine; and it was on this occasion that he tabooed me, in order to give me an opportunity of approaching the gods and examining them more closely. The whole ceremony of tabooing me consisted in taking a piece of white cloth from the hole through his ear, and tying it around my hat as a band: I wore this badge for several days, and, simple as it was, every one I passed would call out taboo, and avoid touching me. I inquired the cause of this ceremony of Gattanewa, and he told me he was going to catch tortoise for the gods, and that he should have to pray to them several days and nights for success, during which time he should be tabooed and dare not enter a house frequented by women.

      White among those people is considered sacred: a white flag is an emblem of peace, and a white flag marks out their tabooed and most sacred places; they have also a method of designating the places which are tabooed by bundles of long sticks about half the size of the wrist, with the bark stripped off and placed

an [sic] end; these are planted on all the platforms of stones where women are not permitted to approach, and this practice appears more generally adopted than any other – the sticks used on such occasions are of a very light and white kind of soft wood (used by the natives for producing fire by friction) of the bark of which they make cordage of a handsome and strong quality.

      It remains for me now to say something of their domestic economy, their furniture, utensils, and implements: I have already described their houses, from which it will be seen that their apartments are few, and that however numerous may be the family, they have but one common sleeping place; this is covered with dry grass, on which mats are spread for the chief persons; the servants and others sleep on the grass alone or on matts if they have them. It has been represented by former voyagers, that the women of this great nation disseminated among the South Sea Islands, are not permitted to eat with the men, and that they are not allowed to eat pork on any occasion; those people are an exception; men women and children eat together, although each have their messes in separate dishes, and the women are not prohibited from eating pork only during the existence of taboos, but even then they will eat it, if the men are not present, or if they will only have the complaisance to turn away their faces and not seem to notice them, which they generally do. Among tribes not tabooed I have seen men and women eating pork together, as was the case at Lewis's Bay, as I before mentioned. The men and women are both remarkably fond of pork, and from their desire to eat it one would suppose that it was an article of great rarity and scarcity among them, as in fact it is; for although the island abounds in hogs, the natives seldom kill them for the use of their families, but keep them for their feasts; and, on such occasions, they will frequently kill five or six hundred at a time. If a relation die, they have a feast on the occasion; and they will save their hogs for years in order to make their feast abundant, in which consists its chief splendour.

      I gave Gattanewa some hogs of an English breed, and requested him not to kill any until they had become numerous; he told me he would not; that he intended to have a feast for his mother, and that he should not give it until he had an hundred

English hogs when he should kill the whole of them. When a marriage takes place they also have a feast, and in this consists the whole ceremony; the union is not binding, and the parties are at liberty to separate when they no longer like each other, provided they have had no children. The girls are seldom married before they are nineteen or twenty years of age, and their licentious life prevents them from having children before that period; they therefore preserve their beauty to an advanced age. Before marriage they are at liberty to indulge themselves with whom they please, but after marriage the right of disposing of them remains with the husband. The women, different from those of almost every other Indian nation, are not subjected to any laborious work; their occupations are wholy domestic; to them belongs the manufacturing of cloth, the care of the house and children; the men cultivate the ground, catch fish, build canoes and houses, and protect their families; they are all artificers, and as they have but few wants they are perfect in the knowledge necessary to supply them. To be sure there are certain professional trades, which they are not all so perfect in, such as tattooing, and the manufacturing of ornaments for the ears; for those objects there are men who devote their whole attention to render themselves perfect; there are also professed barbers, and their doctors are, in some measure, professional men. Their furniture consists of matts of a superior workmanship, callabashes, baskets, kava cups, formed of the cocoa-nut, and cradles for their children hollowed out of a log and made with great neatness, some small chests also hollowed out of a solid piece with covers to them, wooden bowls and stands calculated to hang different objects on, so contrived that the rats cannot get on them. Their plumes and other articles of value, which would otherwise be injured by the rats, are suspended in baskets from the roofs of their houses, by lines passing through the bottom of an inverted callabash, to prevent those animals from descending them. Agricultural implements consist only of sharp stakes for digging the ground; those for fishing consist of the net, bone and wooden harpoons, the rod and line, and fish hooks formed of the mother-of-pearl, of which, as well as of the bone and wooden harpoons, partcular [sic] descriptions may be necessary

      The fish hooks, made of the mother-of-pearl, are intended chiefly for catching bonettas, and are used in trolling, without bait; they consist of two pieces, one of which is nearly as long as the finger. The mother-of-pearl which possesses, naturally, a high and beautiful polish attracts the fish by its glittering appearance, and serves the double purpose of a bait and as a shank for the hook to the lower end of which a piece of bone is secured on the concave side, bending upwards, and inwards towards the shank, and is sharpened at the point, but without any barb; this serves the purpose of a point to the hook, and where this bone is attached to the mother-of-pearl a few hog's bristles are secured across to give it in towing the appearance of a fish; to the hole, where the bone is secured to the mother-of-pearl, the line is made fast, and passes to the upper part of the piece of shell where it is secured, forming a chord to the arch which it presents. When the fish seizes this bait and becomes hooked by the point of bone, this cord, by the strain on the line, so secures him to the hook that he rarely disengages himself; the contrivance is ingenious, and is such as has been adopted by all the South Sea Islanders.

      The harpoon is nearly straight, when made either of bone or wood; the ends slope off to points in different directions; on one side is a notch cut in to secure it to a pole by means of a slight lashing; the opposite side has a jog for the end of the pole to rest against; in the middle of the harpoon is a hole for the harpoon line to be rove through: when the fish is struck the staff disengages itself and the harpoon becomes a toggle which perfectly secures the fish: they give the preference, however, to our iron harpoons, which are, in fact, with them, the most valuable form which iron can be put into, as they are much used in striking the sun and devil fish which frequent the coasts and bays of this island, and although this fish is very sluggish and requires little dexterity to take it, there are some who are trained to the business and pride themselves greatly on their skill. The sons and grandsons of chiefs are those who are most expert in the use of the harpoon. In the bow of each canoe is an elevated place for the harpooneer to stand, and when he strikes the fish, he springs with his whole might with the harpoon and drives it up to the socket: this appears to be an awkward and very improper method of using

the iron harpoon, but such was their method of using those made of bone and wood (which required an extraordinary force to drive them into the fish) and when they changed their instruments they continued their old practices. They go out frequently with the young harpooners to exercise them in striking, and they generally make choice of a time when the sea is rough to accustom them to balance themselves in the bow of the canoe, in which consists the chief of their art. The skin of the devil fish is used by them to make heads to their drums; it also, as well as that of the shark, is used for rasps in the working of wood into different forms, which is done by securing slips of it to pieces of wood something in the form of a razor strap.

      They shave their heads or rather their barbers shave them with a shark's tooth, shells, but now most commonly with a piece of iron hoop ground down to so sharp an edge as to remove the hair without giving much pain. The beard of the young men and the hair under the arms of both men and women is plucked out by means of shells, and there are certain other parts of the body where the females pay as little respect to the works of nature. The females at times, but on what occasion I do not know, shave their heads close; but I am induced to believe such occasions are rare, as some wear their hair long, some cut short, and some cropt close, while some are close shaved. They have such varieties in wearing their hair I could not discover any fashion which seemed to prevail over the others, except among the young men, to which class it seemed wholly confined; their custom is to put it up in two knots, one on each side of the head, and they arc secured with white strips of cloth, and with a degree of neatness and taste which might defy the art of our best head dressers to equal. The old men wear it sometimes cut short, sometimes the head is shaved, and they sometimes have their head entirely shaved except one lock on the crown, which is worn loose or put up in a knot; but this latter mode of wearing the hair is only adopted by them when they have a solemn vow, as to revenge the death of some near relation, &c. and in such case the lock is never cut off until they have fulfilled their promise. Besides the shark's tooth and iron hoop razors, they make use of a brand of fire to singe off and

shells as tweezers to pluck out the beard and hair on different parts of the body.

      Tattooing is performed by means of a machine made of bone something like a comb with the teeth only on one side; the points of the teeth are rubbed with a black paint made of burnt cocoa-nut shell ground to powder, and mixed with water; this is struck into the flesh by means of a heavy piece of wood which serves the purpose of a hammer; the operation is extremely painful and streams of blood follow every blow, yet pride induces them to bear this torture, and they even suffer themselves to be tied down while the operation is performing in order that their agony may not interrupt the operator. The men commence tattooing as soon as they are able to bear the pain; they begin at the age of eighteen or nineteen and are rarely completely tattooed until they arrive at the age of thirty-five. The women begin about the same age; they have only their legs, arms, and hands tattooed, which is done with extraordinary neatness and delicacy, and some slight lines drawn across their lips. It is also the practice with some to have the inside of their lips tattooed, but the object of this ornament I could never find out, as it is never seen unless they turn out their lips to show it. Every tribe in the island, I observed, were tattooed after a different fashion, and I was informed that every line had its meaning, and gave to the bearer certain privileges at their feasts. This practice of tattooing sometimes occasions sores which fester and are several weeks before they heal; it however never produces any serious consequences, or leaves any scars behind.

      Fleurien, in his account of the Marquesas, says that the men are in the habit of tying a ligature around the extremity of a certain part of the body, which proves that they are not subject to circumcision. The same is practised, as I before observed, at the Island of Ooahoogah, and it is also the practice here; but notwithstanding this they are all circumcised, not in the manner of Jews, but by having the foreskin slit; and the instrument used for this purpose is a shark's tooth. The operation is performed on children by the priests, and on those occasions they have feasts abundant in proportion to the wealth of the parents. Nor is Mr. Fleurien's opinion, as to the object of those ligatures, more correct; he sup-

poses it to be a refinement of voluptuousness, the only end of which is that of preserving to the part always covered the greater irritability when it ceases to be so. Those ligatures are put on from a refinement in modesty, not in depravity; the uncovered extremity of this member is the only part which they believe they should be ashamed to show, and when this is secured by the aforesaid ligature every other covering may be laid aside without violating decency; it is rarely worn except when they are in every other respect naked, and then even where most private and when occupied in fishing, and the greater part of the time in the water, this covering is carefully kept on, and nothing whatever can induce them at such times to dispense with it. Is this depravity? Is this want of modesty? or is it not rather holding up an example of decency to civilized man, who, with the most unblushing disregard to shame on such occasions, exposes to view a part which the merest savage assiduously conceals?

      The shark's tooth is also used by the women to scarify themselves, to show the excess of their grief, particularly on the death of a husband; but like those of other parts of the world, on such occasions, their grief, (if excessive) is not lasting. I have seen a woman, whose wounds were still unhealed: deep wounds inflicted on her neck, breast, and arms for the loss of her husband, who had been devoured by a shark; she presented herself at our village and joined in the general traffic of favours.

      Their implements for the manufacture of cloths consist only of a beater and a smooth log; they arc both of that kind of hard wood of which the war clubs are made: the beater is about eighteen inches in length, one end of which is rounded for the handle, the rest is squared and slightly grooved the length of the square: the whole operation of making the cloth consists in beating`the bark out on the log to the size required, keeping it wet and gently stretched with one hand, while the other is employed with the beater. This employment is left to the old women, who will make three outer garments or cahoos in the course of a day; the cloth is remarkably neat and regular, nearly as strong as fine cotton or linen, but will not bear washing more than once, and they are worn about a week before they are washed, after they are washed they are beat out again to give them a gloss and strength. Thus

a woman, with moderate labour, will in one day make for herself outer garments to last her six weeks. If the garment should be torn in wearing or by any accident, it is only necessary to wet the edges of the rent, and gently beat the parts together. They are entirely unacquainted with the use of the needle; this simple mode of repairing their dresses does not require it, nor is it requisite in their formation, as each piece of their clothing consists of square pieces.

      In the manufacturing of whales' teeth into ear rings, pearl shells into fish hooks, and, indeed, in the working of all kinds of shells, bone, and ivory, a piece of iron hoop for a saw, and some sand and coral rock are their only implements; the iron hoop is used with sand, without being notched, in the manner that our stone cutters cut their slabs, and the coral serves to give them a polish; the same tools, with the addition of a tokay, which has already been described, are amployed in the formation of their spears, war-clubs, coffins, cradles, and their various household utensils. Before the introduction of iron sharks' teeth were used for saws, and a kind of stone adze supplied the place of the iron tokay, and, indeed the attachment for stone tools is now so great that many prefer them to iron. I have frequently seen them throw aside a hatchet, and make use of a sharp stone to cut down small trees, sharpen stakes, &c.

      I inquired of Gattanewa when iron was first introduced on the island; he informed me, that many years after Haii brought them hogs, some people of the same colour as themselves (but not tattooed) having long black hair, came in a vessel with two masts, and anchored in a bay called Anahoo, on the other side of the island, and brought with them some nails, which they exchanged for hogs and fruit. The nails were so highly esteemed and found so useful that the natives flocked from all parts to have holes bored through shells and other hard substances, and gave the proprietors of them a hog each for the use of a nail a few hours.

      Their coffins are dug out of a solid piece of white wood, in the manner of a trough, the size of it is just sufficient to cram the body in, and it is polished and otherwise finished in a style which proves they pay a great respect to the remains of their friends. When a person dies, the body is deposited in a coffin, and a

stage erected either in a house vacated for the purpose, in which the coffin is placed, or a small house of sufficient size to contain the coffin is built in front of a tabbooed house on the platform of stones in which the coffin is deposited: the former is practised with the corps of women, the latter with those of men; guardians are appointed to sleep near and protect them. When the flesh is mouldered from the bones, they are, as I have been informed, carefully cleansed: some are kept for relics and some are deposited in the morais.

      Their fans, of which they are very careful, are made with surprising neatness, and consist of a curious piece of matt work, of a semi-circular form, attached to a handle, generally representing four figures of their gods, two above and two below, squatting back to back. The fans are made of a stiff kind of grass, or perhaps the palmetto leaf, and the handles either of sandal wood, toa, ivory, or human bones, neatly carved into figures of their gods. These fans are held in high estimation by them, and they take much pains in preserving them clean, whitening them from time to time with chalk, or some other similar substance. This appendage to their dress, I am informed, is common to all the islands of the groups of Marquesas and Washington; indeed we saw several at Rooahoogah.

      Mr. Fluerien in his narrative of the voyage of captain Marchand gives the following description of the fans seen by that navigator while at St. Christiana: "Among their ornaments, we may likewise reckon large fans, formed of the fibres of some plaited bark or coarse grass, which they frequently whiten with lime, and which they make use of to cool themselves; and parasols made of large palm leaves, which they adorn with feathers of different sizes and various colours." (Page 156, vol. i.)

      This description is badly calculated to give a correct idea of their neatness, I may say elegance, which is not surpassed by any other work to be found among them. In his description of their stilts, he's very minute and accurate, and equally incorrect in his conjectures as to their use; he supposes them intended for the purpose of fording the streams, which he believes are occasioned by the frequent inundations to which he thinks the island is liable: I can assure Mr. Fleurien that they are used only for amuse-

ment. Can it be supposed, for a moment, that a nation of people who arc amphibious, who are one half of their time in the water, who are in the habit of bathing at almost every stream, who are almost destitute of clothing and perfectly naked from the upper part of the thighs downwards, should fall on so ridiculous an expedient for crossing the insignificant rivulets of an island, whose circumference does not exceed twenty leagues, rivulets which the greater part of the year are nearly dry, and at all times barely afford sufficient water for a ship?

      They are used, as I before observed, solely for amusement; they enter into their gymnastic exercises, they run with them, and endeavour to trip one another. They are curiously wrought, and as Mr. Fleurien wrote his description of those of the island of St. Christiana, with a pair of stilts before him, and as the description answers exactly to those of Nooaheevah (Madison's Island) I take the liberty of using the words of that elegant writer

ceed three-quarters of a mile, and I hoped many of my brave crew would be able to save themselves, should the ship blow up, as I was informed the fire was near the magazine, and the explosion of a large quantity of powder below served to increase the horrors of our situation – our boats were destroyed by the enemy's shot; I, therefore, directed those who could swim to jump overboard, and endeavour to gain the shore. Some reached it – some were taken by the enemy, and some perished in the attempt; but most preferred sharing with me the fate of the ship. We, who remained, now turned our attention wholly to extinguishing the flames; and when we had succeeded, went again to our guns, where the firing was kept up for some minutes, but the crew had by this time become so weakened, that they all declared to me the impossibility of making further resistance, and intreated me to surrender my ship to save the wounded, as all further attempt at opposition must prove ineffectual, almost every gun being disabled by the destruction of their crews. I now sent for the officers of divisions to consult them; but what was my surprise to find only acting lieutenant Stephen Decatur M'Knight remaining, (who confirmed the report respecting the condition of the guns on the gun-deck – those on the spar deck were not in a better state.) Lieutenant Wilmer, after fighting most gallantly throughout the action, had been knocked overboard by a splinter while getting the sheet anchor from the bows, and was drowned. Acting lieutenant John G. Cowell, had lost a leg; Mr. Edward Barnewall, acting sailing master, had been carried below, after receiving two wounds, one in the breast and one in the face; and acting lieutenant William H. Odenheimer, had been knocked overboard from the quarter an instant before, and did not regain the ship until after the surrender. I was informed that the cock-pit, the steerage, the ward-room and the birth-deck, could contain no more wounded; that the wounded were killed while the surgeons were dressing them, and that, unless something was speedily done to prevent it, the ship would soon sink from the number of shot holes in her bottom. And, on sending for the carpenter, he informed me that all his crew had been killed or wounded, and that he had been once over the side to stop the leaks, when his slings had been shot away, and it was with difficulty he was saved from drowning.

The enemy from the smoothness of the water, and the impossibility of our reaching him with our carronades, and the little apprehension that was excited by our fire, which had now become much slackened, was enabled to take aim at us as at a target; his shot never missed our hull, and my ship was cut up in a manner which was, perhaps, never before witnessed – in fine, I saw no hopes of saving her, and at twenty minutes after six P.M. gave the painful order to strike the colours. Seventy-five men, inc1uding officers were all that remained of my whole crew, after the action, capable of doing duty, and many of them severely wounded, some of whom have since died. The enemy still continued his fire, and my brave, though unfortunate companions, were still falling about me. I directed an opposite gun to be fired, to show them we intended no further resistance; but they did not desist; four men were killed at my side, and others in different parts of the ship. I now believed he intended to show us no quarters, and that it would be as well to die with my flag flying as struck, and was on the point of again hoisting it, when about ten minutes after hauling the colours down he ceased firing!

      I cannot speak in sufficiently high terms of the conduct of those engaged for such an unparalleled length of time (under such circumstances) with me in the arduous and unequal contest – Let it suffice to say, that more bravery, skill, patriotism, and zeal, were never displayed on any occasion. Every one seemed determined to die in defence of their much loved country's cause, and nothing but views to humanity could ever have reconciled them to the surrender of the ship; they remembered their wounded and helpless shipmates below. To acting lieutenants M'Knight and Odenheimer I feel much indebted for their great exertions and bravery throughout the action, in fighting and encourging the men at their divisions, for the dextrous management of the long guns, and for their promptness in re-manning their guns as their crews were slaughtered. The conduct of that brave and heroic officer, acting lieutenant John G. Cowel, who lost his leg in the latter part of the action, excited the admiration of every man in the ship, and after being wounded would not consent to be taken below, until loss of blood rendered him insensible. Mr. Edward Barnewall acting sailing master, whose activity and courage were equally

conspicuous, returned on deck after his first wound, and remained after receiving his second until fainting with loss of blood. – Mr. Samuel B. Johnson, who had joined me the day before, and acted as marine officer, conducted himself with great bravery, and exerted himself in assisting at the long guns; the musketry after the first half hour being useless, from our great distance.

      Mr. M. W. Bostwick, whom I had appointed acting purser of the Essex Junior, and who was on board my ship, did the duties of aid, in a manner which reflects on him the highest honour, and midshipmen Isaacs, Farragut, and Ogden, as well as acting midshipmen James Terry, James R. Lyman, and Samuel Duzenbury, and master's mate William Pierce, exerted themselves in the performance of their respective duties, and gave an earnest of their value to the service; the three first are too young to recommend for promotion, the latter I beg leave to recommend for confirmation as well as the acting lieutenants, and Messrs. Barnewall, Johnson, and Bostwick.

      We have been unfortunate, but not disgraced – the defence of the Essex has not been less honourable to her officers and crew, than the capture of an equal force; and I now consider my situation less unpleasant than that of commodore Hilyar, who, in violation of every principle of honour and generosity, and regardless of the rights of nations, attacked the Essex in her crippled state, within pistol shot of a neutral shore – when for six weeks I had daily offered him fair and honourable combat, on terms greatly to his advantage; the blood of the slain must be on his head, and he has yet to reconcile his conduct to heaven, to his conscience, and to the world. – The annexed extract of a letter from commodore Hillyar, which was written previously to his returning me my sword, will show his opinion of our conduct.

      My loss has been dreadfully severe, fifty-eight killed or have since died of their wounds, and among them lieutenant Cowell; thirty-nine were severely wounded, twenty-seven slightly, and thirty-one are missing – making in all one hundred and fifty-four, killed, wounded, and missing, a list of whose names is annexed.

      The professional knowledge of Dr. Richard Hoffman, acting surgeon, and Dr. Alexander Montgomery, acting surgeon's mate, added to their assiduity and the benevolent attentions and assist-

ance of Mr D.P. Adams the chaplain, saved the lives of many of the wounded – those gentlemen have been indefatigable in their attentions to them; the two first I beg leave to recommend for confirmation, and the latter to the notice of the department.

      I must in justification of myself observe, that with our six twelve pounders only we fought this action, our carronades being almost useless.

      The loss in killed and wounded has been great with the enemy; among the former is the first lieutenant of the Phoebe, and of the latter captain Tucker of the Cherub, whose wounds are severe. Both the Essex and Phoepe [sic] were in a sinking state, and it was with difficulty they could be kept afloat until they anchored in Valparaiso next morning. The shattered state of the Essex will, I believe, prevent her ever reaching England, and I also think it will be out of their power to repair the damages of the Phoebe, so as to enable her to double Cape Horn. All the masts and yards of the Phoebe and Cherub are badly crippled, and their hulls much cut up; the former had eighteen twelve pound shot through her below her water line, some three feet under water. Nothing but the smoothness of the water saved both the Phoebe and Essex.

      I hope, sir, that our conduct may prove satisfactory to our country, and that it will testify it by obtaining our speedy exchange, that we may again have it in our power to prove our zeal.

      Commodore Hillyar (I am informed) has thought proper to state to his government that the action only lasted forty-five minutes; should he have done so, the motive may be easily discovered – but the thousands of disinterested witnesses who covered the surrounding hills can testify that we fought his ships near two hours and an half; upwards of fifty broadsides were fired by the enemy, agreeably to their own accounts, and upwards of seventy-five by ours: except the few minutes they were repairing damages, the firing was incessant.

      Soon after my capture, I entered into an agreement with commodore Hillyar to disarm my prize the Essex Junior, and proceed with the survivors of my officers and crew to the United States, taking with me her officers and crew. He consented to

grant her a passport to secure her from recapture. The ship was small and we knew we had much to suffer, yet we hoped soon to reach our country in safety, that we might again have it in our power to serve it. This arrangement was attended with no additional expense, as she was abundantly supplied with provisions and stores for the voyage.

      In justice to commodore Hillyar, I must observe, that (although I can never be reconciled to the manner of his attack on the Essex, or to his conduct before the action,) he has, since our capture, shown the greatest humanity to my wounded, (whom he permitted me to land on condition that the United States should bear their expenses,) and has endeavoured as much as lay in his power, to alleviate the distresses of war, by the most generous and delicate deportment towards myself, my officers, and crew; he gave orders that the property of every person should be respected – his orders, however, were not so strictly attended to as might have been expected; besides being deprived of books, charts, &c. &c. both myself and officers lost many articles of our clothing, some to a considerable amount. I should not have considered this last circumstance of sufficient importance to notice, did it not mark a striking difference between the navy of Great Britain, and that of the United States, highly creditable to the latter.

      By the arrival of the Tagus a few days after my capture, I was informed that besides the ships which had arrived in the Pacific in pursuit of me, and those still expected, others were sent to cruize for me in the China seas, off New Zealand, Timor and New Holland, and that another frigate was sent to the river La Plata.

      To possess the Essex it has cost the British government near six millions of dollars, and yet, sir, her capture was owing entirely to accident; and if we consider the expedition with which naval contests are now decided, the action is a dishonour to them. Had they brought their ships boldly into action with a force so very superior, and having the choice of position, they should either have captured or destroyed us in one-fourth of the time they were about it.

      During the action, our consul general, Mr. Poinsett, called on the governor of Valparaiso, and requested that the batteries

might protect the Essex. This request was refused, but he promised that if she should succeed in fighting her way to the common anchorage, he would send an officer to the British commander, and request him to cease firing, but declined using force under any circumstances; and there is no doubt a perfect understanding existed between them: this conduct, added to the assistance gives to the British, and their friendly reception after the action, and the strong bias of the faction which govern Chili in favour of the English, as well as their hostility to the Americans, induced Mr. Poinsett to leave that country. Under such circumstances, I did not conceive it would be proper for me to claim the restoration of my ship, confident that the claim would be made by my government to more effect. Finding some difficulty in the sale of my prizes, I had taken the Hector and Catharine to sea, and burnt them with their cargoes.

      I exchanged lieutenant M'Knight, Mr Adams, and Mr. Lyman, and eleven seamen, for part of the crew of the Sir Andrew Hammond, and sailed from Valparaiso on the 27th April, where the enemy were still patching up their ships to put them in a state for proceeding to Rio de Janeiro, previous to going to England.

      Annexed is a list of the remains of my crew to be exchanged, as also a copy of the correspondence between commodore Hillyar and myself on that subject. I also send you a list of the prisoners I have taken during my cruize, amounting to three hundred and forty-three

first instance to forgetfulness; I consider it only in my servant's possession with my own, until the master may please to call for it; and although I omitted, at the moment of presentation, from my mind being much engrossed in attending to professional duties, to offer its restoration, the hand that received will be most gladly extended to put it in possession of him who wore it so honourably in defending his country's cause

      After some conversation on the subject, the following cormspondence took place:

out my consent; and on terms far from offering equal advantages to the United States.

proceeding immediately for the United States, I take the liberty therefore to suggest that they might be exchanged here for captain William Porter and his three mates. This will be an accommodation to all parties and reconcile the officers so exchanged to a separation from their friends

David Porter, 1780-1843

Porter as a captain in the American Navy.

      David Porter (February 1, 1780 – March 3, 1843) was an officer in the United States Navy in the rank of captain and the honorary title of commodore. Porter commanded a number of U.S. naval ships, including the famous USS Constitution. He saw service in the War of 1812, the Second Barbary War of 1815 and in the West Indies. On July 2, 1812, Porter hoisted the banner "Free trade and sailors' rights" as captain of the USS Essex. The phrase resonated with many Americans and became a standard summary of U.S. war aims in 1812. Porter was later court martialed; he resigned and then joined and became commander-in-chief of the Mexican Navy

Early life

      Born at Boston, Massachusetts, Porter served in the Quasi-War with France first as midshipman on board USS Constellation, participating in the capture of L’Insurgente February 9, 1799; secondly, as 1st lieutenant of Experiment and later in command of USS Amphitheatre. During the First Barbary War (1801–07) Porter was 1st lieutenant of Enterprise, New York and Philadelphia and was taken prisoner when Philadelphia ran aground in Tripoli harbor October 31, 1803. After his release on June 3, 1805, he remained in the Mediterranean as acting captain of USS Constitution and later captain of Enterprise

Marriage and family

      Porter married Evalina Anderson, and they had 10 children who survived, including six sons.

      The older David Porter Sr. met and befriended another naval veteran of the Revolution, George Farragut, from Spanish Minorca. In late spring 1808, David Porter Sr. suffered sunstroke, and Farragut took him into his home, where his wife Elizabeth cared for him. Already weakened by tuberculosis, he died on June 22, 1808. Elizabeth Farragut died of yellow fever the same day. Motherless, the Farragut children were to be placed with friends and relatives.

      While visiting Farragut and his family a short time later to express thanks for their care of his father and sympathy for their loss, Commodore Porter offered to take eight-year-old James Glasgow Farragut into his own household. Young James readily agreed. In 1809 he moved with Porter to Washington, where he met Secretary of the Navy Paul Hamilton and expressed his wish for a midshipman's appointment. Hamilton promised that the appointment would be made as soon as he reached the age of ten; as it happened, the commission came through on December 17, 1810, six months before the boy reached his tenth birthday. When James went to sea soon after with his adoptive father, he changed his name from James to David, and it is as David Glasgow Farragut that he is remembered.

      The town of Porter and Porter County in Northwest Indiana are named after David Porter. In 1836 the county seat of Porter County, Indiana was originally named Portersville, also named for David Porter. It was changed to Valparaiso in 1837, named for Porter's participation in the naval action near Valparaíso, Chile during the War of 1812

Naval career

      Porter served in the Quasi war with France. He was appointed a midshipman on 16 April, 1798. He was assigned to the USS Constellation under the command of John Rodgers. He was promoted to lieutenant on 8 October 1799. As lieutenant he served as second in command of the schooner USS Experiment during the action of 1 January 1800, in which he got shot in his arm. He was promoted to master commandant on 22 April 1806 and was in charge of the naval forces at New Orleans from 1808 to 1810

War of 1812

      With the outbreak of the War of 1812, Porter was promoted to captain on 2 July 1812 and was assigned as commander of USS Essex. He sailed out of New York harbor with the banner, "Free trade and sailors' rights" flying from the foretopgallant mast. Captain Porter achieved fame by capturing the first British warship of the conflict, HMS Alert, August 13, 1812 as well as several merchantmen.

      In February 1813 he sailed Essex around Cape Horn and cruised the Pacific warring on British whalers. Porter's first action in the Pacific was the capture of the Peruvian vessel Nereyda, and the releases of the captured American whalers on board. Over the next year, Porter would capture 12 whaleships and 360 prisoners. In June 1813, Porter released his prisoners, on the condition that they not fight against the United States until they were formerly exchanged for American prisoners of war. Porter's usual tactic was to raise British colors to allay the British captain's suspicions, then once invited on board, he would reveal his true allegiance and purpose.

      Porter and his fleet spent October–December 1813 resting and regrouping in the Marquesas Islands, which he claimed in the name of the United States and renamed them the Madison Islands, in honor of then-President James Madison.

      On March 28, 1814 Porter was forced to surrender to Captain James Hillyar off Valparaíso after an engagement which became known as the Battle of Valparaiso with the British frigate HMS Phoebe and the sloop HMS Cherub, when his ship became too disabled to offer any resistance

West Indies

      In 1814 he was given command of the USS Firefly, the flagship of a five ship squadron destined for the West Indies to disrupt British shipping; however, a peace treaty with Britain was signed and the mission was canceled.

      From 1815 to 1822, he was a member of the Board of Navy Commissioners but gave up this post to command the expedition for suppressing piracy in the West Indies (1823–25). While in the West Indies suppressing piracy, Porter invaded the town of Fajardo, Puerto Rico (a Spanish colony) to avenge the jailing of an officer from his fleet. The American government did not sanction Porter's act, and he was court-martialed upon his return to the U.S. Porter resigned from the Navy on 18 August 1826 and, shortly after, entered the Mexican Navy as its commander-in-chief. He held this position from 1826 to 1829

Later life

      He left the Mexican service in 1829 and was appointed United States Minister to the Barbary States.

      He died on March 3, 1843 while serving as United States ambassador to the Ottoman Empire. He was buried in the cemetery of the Philadelphia Naval Asylum, and then in 1845 reburied in the Woodlands Cemetery in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

NOTES.

      Attempt has been made to note obvious typographical errors with the "sic" notation. Porter's spelling was generally poor and erratic; no attempt was made to correct or standardize his usage of language.

SOURCE.

Captain David Porter, (1780 – 1843)
      Journal of a Cruise Made to the Pacific Ocean by Captain David Porter, in the United States Frigate Essex, In the Years 1812, 1813, and 1814.
Volume 2.
Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep, 1815.
  [2], 169, [1] pages, [12] leaves of plates (1 folded).

      This publication is available in PDF format courtesy of the HathiTrust (source from: New York Public Library).

      This publication is available in PDF format courtesy of the HathiTrust (source from: University of Minnesota ).

      This publication is available in PDF format courtesy of the Biodiversity Heritage Library (source from: Smithsonian Libraries).

      This publication is available in PDF format courtesy of Google Books (source from: New York Public Library).

      This publication is available in PDF format courtesy of Archive.org (source from: Smithsonian Libraries).

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