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A VOYAGE

TO THE

PACIFIC OCEAN.

UNDERTAKEN,

BY THE COMMAND OF HIS MAJESTY,

FOR MAKING

Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere.

TO DETERMINE

The POSITION and EXTENT of the WEST SIDE of NORTH AMERICA;
its DISTANCE from ASIA; and the PRACTICABILITY of a
NORTHERN PASSAGE to EUROPE.

PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF

Captains COOK, CLERKE, and GORE,
In his MAJESTY'S Ships the RESOLUTION and DISCOVERY.
In the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I. and II. written by Captain JAMES COOK, F.R.S.
VOL. III. by Captain JAMES KING, LL.D. and F.R.S.

Illustrated with MAPS and CHARTS, from the Original Drawings made by Lieut. HENRY ROBERTS,
under the Direction of Captain COOK; and with a great Variety of Portraits of Persons, Views
of Places, and Historical Representations of Remarkable Incidents, drawn by Mr.
WEBBER during the Voyage, and engraved by the molt eminent Artists.

Published by Order of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.

VOL. III.

CONTENTS

OF THE

THIRD VOLUME.

BOOK V.

Captain King's Journal of the Transactions on returning
to the Sandwich Islands.

APPENDIX.

PLATES.

VOYAGE

PACIFIC OCEAN.

BOOK V.

CHAP. I.

Description of Karakakooa Bay.—Vast Concourse of the Natives.—Power of the Chiefs over the inferior People.—Visit from Koah, a Priest and Warrior.—The Morai at Kakooa described.—Ceremonies at the Landing of Captain Cook.—Observatories erected.—Powerful Operation of the Taboo.—Method of salting Pork in tropical Climates.—Society of Priests discovered.—Their Hospitality and Munificence.—Reception of Captain Cook.—Artifice of Koah.—Arrival of Terreeoboo, King of the Island.—Singular Ceremony.—Visit from the King.—Returned by Captain Cook.

      Karakakooa Bay is situated on the West side of the island of Owhyhee, in a district called Akona. It is about a mile in depth, and bounded by two low points of land, at the distance of half a league, and bearing South South East and North North West from each other.

      On the North point, which is flat and barren, stands the village of Kowrowa; and in the bottom of the bay, near a grove of tall cocoa-nut trees, there is another village of a more considerable size, called Kakooa: between them, runs a high rocky cliff, inaccessible from the sea shore. On the South side, the coast, for about a mile inland, has a rugged appearance; beyond which the country rises with a gradual ascent, and is overspread with cultivated inclosures and groves of cocoa-nut trees, where the habitations of the natives are scattered in great numbers. The shore, all round the bay, is covered with a black coral rock, which makes the landing very dangerous in rough weather; except at the village of Kakooa, where there is a fine sandy beach, with a Morai, or burying-place, at one extremity, and a small well of fresh water, at the other. This bay appearing to Captain Cook a proper place to refit the ships, and lay in an additional supply of water and provisions, we moored on the North side, about a quarter of a mile from the shore, Kowrowa bearing North West.

      As soon as the inhabitants perceived our intention of anchoring in the bay, they came off from the shore in astonishing numbers, and expressed their joy by singingand shouting, and exhibiting a variety of wild and extravagant gestures. The sides, the decks, and rigging of both ships were soon completely covered with them; and a multitude of women and boys, who had not been able to get canoes, came swimming round us in shoals; many of whom, not finding room on board, remained the whole day playing in the water.

      Among the chiefs who came on board the Resolution, was a young man, called Pareea, whom we soon perceived to be a person of great authority. On presenting himself to

Captain Cook, he told him, that he was Jakanee ^* to the king of the island, who was at that time engaged on a military expedition at Mowee, and was expected to return within three or four days. A few presents from Captain Cook attached him entirely to our interests, and he became exceedingly useful to us in the management of his Countrymen, as we had soon occasion to experience. For we had not been long at anchor, when it was observed that the Discovery had such a number of people hanging on one side, as occasioned her to heel considerably; and that the men were unable to keep off the crowds which continued pressing into her. Captain Cook, being apprehensive that she might suffer some injury, pointed out the danger to Pareea, who immediately went to their assistance, cleared the ship of its incumbrances, and drove away the canoes that surrounded her.

      The authority of the chiefs over the inferior people appeared, from this incident, to be of the most despotic kind. A similar instance of it happened the same day on board the Resolution; where the crowd being so great, as to impede the necessary business of the ship, we were obliged to have recourse to the assistance of Kaneena, another of their chiefs, who had likewise attached himself to Captain Cook. The inconvenience we laboured under being made known, he immediately ordered his countrymen to quit the vessel; and we were not a little surprized to see them jump overboard, without a moment's hesitation; all except one man, who loitering behind, and shewing some unwillingness to obey,

Kaneena took him up in his arms, and threw him into the sea.

      Both these chiefs were men of strong and well-proportioned bodies, and of countenances remarkably pleasing. Kaneena especially, whose portrait Mr. Webber has drawn, was one of the finest men I ever saw. He was about six feet high, had regular and expressive features, with lively, dark eyes; his carriage was easy, firm, and graceful.

      It has been already mentioned, that during our long cruize off this island, the inhabitants had always behaved with great fairness and honesty in their dealings, and had not shewn the slightest propensity to theft; which appeared to us the more extraordinary, because those with whom we had hitherto held any intercourse, were of the lowest rank, either servants or fishermen. We now found the cafe exceedingly altered. The immense crowd of islanders, which blocked up every part of the ships, not only afforded frequent opportunity of pilfering without risk of discovery, but our inferiority in number held forth a prospect of escaping with impunity in case of detection. Another circumstance, to which we attributed this alteration in their behaviour, was the presence and encouragement of their chiefs; for generally tracing the booty into the possession of some men of consequence, we had the strongest reason to suspect that these depredations were committed at their instigation.

      Soon after the Resolution had got into her station, our two friends, Pareea and Kaneena, brought on board a third chief, named Koah, who, we were told, was a priest, and had been, in his youth, a distinguished warrior. He was

a little old man, of an emaciated figure; his eyes exceedingly sore and red, and his body covered with a white leprous scurf, the effects of an immoderate use of the ava. Being led into the cabin, he approached Captain Cook with great veneration, and threw over his shoulders a piece of red cloth, which he had brought along with him. Then stepping a few paces back, he made an offering of a small pig, which he held in his hand, whilst he pronounced a discourse that lasted for a considerable time. This ceremony was frequently repeated during our stay at Owhyhee, and appeared to us, from many circumstances, to be a sort of religious adoration. Their idols we found always arrayed with red cloth, in the same manner as was done to Captain Cook; and a small pig was their usual offering to the Eatooas. Their speeches, or prayers, were uttered too with a readiness and volubility that indicated them to be according to some formulary.

      When this ceremony was over, Koah dined with Captain Cook, eating plentifully of what was set before him; but, like the rest of the inhabitants of the islands in these Seas, could scarcely be prevailed on to taste a second time our wine or spirits. In the evening, Captain Cook, attended by Mr. Bayly and myself, accompanied him on shore. We landed at the beach, and were received by four men, who carried wands tipt with dog's hair, and marched before us, pronouncing with a loud voice a short sentence, in which we could only distinguish the word Orono ^*. The crowd,

which had been collected on the shore, retired at our approach; and not a person was to be seen, except a few lying prostrate on the ground, near the huts of the adjoining village.

      Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to Captain Cook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on this fatal island, it will be necessary to describe the Morai, situated, as I have already mentioned, at the South side of the beach at Kakooa. It was a square solid pile of stones, about forty yards long, twenty broad, and fourteen in height. The top was flat, and well paved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the sculls of the captives, sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. In the centre of the area, stood a ruinous old building of wood, connected with the rail, on each side, by a stone wall, which divided the whole space into two parts. On the side next the country, were five poles, upward of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold; on the opposite side, toward the sea, stood two small houses, with a covered communication.

      We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent, leading from the beach to the North West corner of the area. At the entrance, we saw two large wooden images, with features violently distorted, and a long piece of carved wood, of a conical form inverted, rising from the top of their heads; the rest was without form, and wrapped round with red cloth. We were here met by a tall young man with a long beard, who presented Captain Cook to the images, and after chanting a kind of hymn, in which he was joined by Koah, they led us to that end of the Morai, where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of

them were twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the middle figure, stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling the Whatta ^* of Otaheite, on which lay a putrid hog, and under it pieces of sugar-cane, cocoa-nuts, breadfruit, plantains, and sweet potatoes. Koah having placed the Captain under this stand, took down the hog, and held it toward him; and after having a second time addressed him in a long speech, pronounced with much vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground, and led him to the scaffolding, which they began to climb together, not without great risk of falling. At this time we saw, coming in solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the Morai, ten men carrying a live hog, and a large piece of red cloth. Being advanced a few paces, they stopped, and prostrated themselves; and Kaireekeea, the young man above-mentioned, went to them, and receiving the cloth, carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the Captain, and afterward offered him the hog, which was brought by Kaireekeea with the same ceremony.

      Whilst Captain Cook was aloft, in this aukward situation, swathed round with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst the pieces of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea and Koah began their office, chanting sometimes in concert, and sometimes alternately. This lasted a considerable time; at length Koah let the hog drop, when he and the Captain descended together. He then led him to the images before mentioned, and having said something to each in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that in the center, which, from its being

covered with red cloth, appeared to be in greater estimation than the rest. Before this figure he prostrated himself, and kissed it, desiring Captain Cook to do the same; who suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout the whole of this ceremony.

      We were now led back into the other division of the Morai, where there was a space, ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feet below the level of the area. Into this we descended, and Captain Cook was seated between two wooden idols, Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was desired to support the other. At this time, arrived a second procession of natives, carrying a baked hog, and a pudding, some bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables. When they approached us, Kaireekeea put himself at their head, and presenting the pig to Captain Cook in the usual manner, began the same kind of chant as before, his companions making regular responses. We observed, that after every response, their parts became gradually shorter, till, toward the close, Kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three words, which the rest answered by the Word Orono.

      When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the natives sat down, fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to pecl the vegetables, and break the cocoa-nuts; whilst others employed themselves in brewing the ava; which is done, by chewing it in the same manner as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then took part of the kernel of a cocoa-nut, which he chewed, and wrapping it in a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the Captain's face, head, hands, arms, and shoulders. The ava was

then handed round, and after we had tasted it, Koah and Pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces, and to put it into our mouths. I had no great objection to being fed by Pareea, who was very cleanly in his person; but Captain Cook, who was served by Koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could not swallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be supposed, was not diminished, when the old man, according to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him.

      When this last ceremony was finished, which Captain Cook put an end to as soon as he decently could, we quitted the Morai, after distributing amongst the people some pieces of iron and other trifles, with which they seemed highly gratified. The men with wands conducted us to the boats, repeating the same words as before. The people again retired, and the few that remained, prostrated themselves as we passed along the shore. We immediately went on board, our minds full of what we had seen, and extremely well satisfied with the good dispositions of our new friends. The meaning of the various ceremonies, with which we had been received, and which, on account of their novelty and singularity, have been related at length, can only be the subject of conjectures, and those uncertain and partial: they were, however, without doubt, expressive of high respect on the part of the natives; and, as far as related to the person of Captain Cook, they seemed approaching to adoration.

      The next morning, I went on shore with a guard of eight marines, including the corporal and lieutenant, having orders to erect the observatory in such a situation as might best enable me to superintend and protect the waterers, and

the other working parties that were to be on shore. As we were viewing a spot conveniently situated for this purpose, in the middle of the village, Pareea, who was always ready to shew both his power and his good will, offered to pull down some houses that would have obstructed our observations. However, we thought it proper to decline this offer, and fixed on a field of sweet potatoes adjoining to the Morai, which was readily granted us; and the priests, to prevent the intrusion of the natives, immediately consecrated the place, by fixing their wands round the wall by which it was inclosed.

      This fort of religious interdiction they call taboo; a word we heard often repeated, during our stay amongst these islanders, and found to be of very powerful and extensive operation. A more particular explanation of it will be given in the general account of these islands, under the article of religion; at present it is only necessary to observe, that it procured us even more privacy than we desired. No canoes ever presumed to land near us; the natives sat on the wall, but none offered to come within the tabooed space, till he had obtained our permission. But though the men, at our request, would come across the field with provisions, yet not all our endeavours could prevail on the women to approach us. Presents were tried, but without effect; Pareea and Koah were tempted to bring them, but in vain; we were invariably answered, that the Eatooa and Terreeoboo (which was the name of their king) would kill them. This circumstance afforded no small matter of amusement to our friends on board, where the crowds of people, and particularly of women, that continued to stock thither, obliged them almost every hour to clear the vessel, in order to have

room to do the necessary duties of the ship. On these occasions, two or three hundred women were frequently made to jump into the water at once, where they continued swimming and playing about, till they could again procure admittance.

      From the 19th to the 24th, when Pareea and Koah left us to attend Terreeoboo, who had landed on some other part of the island, nothing very material happened on board. The caulkers were set to work on the sides of the ships, and the rigging was carefully overhauled and repaired. The salting of hogs for sea-store was also a constant, and one of the principal objects of Captain Cook's attention. As the success we met with in this experiment, during our present voyage, was much more complete than it had been in any former attempt of the same kind, it may not be improper to give an account of the detail of the operation.

      It has generally been thought impracticable to cure the flesh of animals by salting, in tropical climates; the progress of putrefaction being so rapid, as not to allow time for the salt to take (as they express it) before the meat gets a taint, which prevents the effect of the pickle. We do not find that experiments relative to this subject have been made by the navigators of any nation before Captain Cook. In his first trials, which were made in 1774, during his second voyage to the Pacific Ocean, the success he met with, though very imperfect, was yet sufficient to convince him of the error of the received opinion. As the voyage, in which he was now engaged, was likely to be protracted a year beyond the time for which the ships had been victualled, he was under the necessity of providing, by some such means, for the

subsistence of the crews, or of relinquishing the further prosecution of his discoveries. He therefore lost no opportunity of renewing his attempts, and the event answered his most sanguine expectations.

      The hogs, which we made use of for this purpose, were of various sizes, weighing from four to twelve stone ^*. The time of slaughtering was always in the afternoon; and as soon as the hair was scalded off, and the entrails removed, the hog was divided into pieces of four or eight pounds each, and the bones of the legs and chine taken out; and, in the larger sort, the ribs also. Every piece then being carefully wiped and examined, and the veins cleared of the coagulated blood, they were handed to the salters, whilst the flesh remained still warm. After they had been well rubbed with salt, they were placed in a heap, on a stage raised in the open air, covered with planks, and pressed with the heaviest weights we could lay on them. In this situation they remained till the next evening, when they were again well wiped and examined, and the suspicious parts taken away. They were then put into a tub of strong pickle, where they were always looked over once or twice a day, and if any piece had not taken the salt, which was readily discovered by the smell of the pickle, they were immediately taken out, re-examined, and the sound pieces put to fresh pickle. This, however, after the precautions before used, seldom happened. After six days, they were taken out, examined for the last time, and being again slightly pressed, they were packed in barrels, with a thin layer of salt between them. I brought home with me some barrels of this, pork, which was pickled at Owhyhee in January 1779, and was tasted

by several persons in England about Christmas 1780, and found perfectly sound and wholesome ^*.

      I shall now return to our transactions on shore at the observatory, where we had not been long settled, before we discovered, in our neighbourhood, the habitations of a society of priests, whose regular attendance at the Morai had excited our curiosity. Their huts stood round a pond of water, and were surrounded by a grove of cocoa-nut trees, which separated them from the beach and the rest of the village, and gave the place an air of religious retirement. On my acquainting Captain Cook with these circumstances, he resolved to pay them a visit; and as he expected to be received in the same manner as before, he brought Mr. Webber wih him to make a drawing of the ceremony ^†.

      On his arrival at the beach, he was conducted to a sacred building called Harre-no-Orono, or the house of Orono, and seated before the entrance, at the foot of a wooden idol, of the same kind with those on the Morai. I was here again made to support one of his arms, and after wrapping him in red cloth, Kaireekeea, accompanied by twelve priests,

made an offering of a pig with the usual solemnities. The pig was then strangled, and a fire being kindled, it was thrown into the embers, and after the hair was singed off, it was again presented, with a repetition of the chanting, in the manner before described. The dead pig was then held for a short time under the Captain's nose; after which it was laid, with a cocoa-nut, at his feet, and the performers sat down. The ava was then brewed, and handed round; a fat hog, ready dressed, was brought in; and we were fed as before.

      During the rest of the time we remained in the bay, whenever Captain Cook came on shore, he was attended by one of these priests, who went before him, giving notice that the Orono had landed, and ordering the people to prostrate themselves. The same person also constantly accompanied him on the water, standing in the bow of the boat, with a wand in his hand, and giving notice of his approach to the natives, who were in canoes, on which they immediately left off paddling, and lay down on their facestill he had passed. Whenever he stopped at the observatory, Kaireekeea and his brethren immediately made their appearance with hogs, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, &c. and presented them with the usual solemnities. It was on these occasions that some of the inferior chiefs frequently requested to be permitted to make an offering to the Orono. When this was granted, they presented the hog themselves, generally with evident marks of fear in their countenances; whilst Kaireekeea and the priests chanted their accustomed hymns.

      The civilities of this society were not, however, confined to mere ceremony and parade. Our party on shore received

from them, every day, a constant supply of hogs and vegetables, more than sufficient for our subsistance; and several canoes loaded with provisions were sent to the ships with the same punctuality. No return was ever demanded, or even hinted at in the most distant manner. Their presents were made with a regularity, more like the discharge of a religious duty, than the effect of mere liberality; and when we enquired at whose charge all this munificence was displayed, we were told, it was at the expence of a great man called Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and grandfather to Kaireekeea, who was at that time absent attending the king of the island.

      As every thing relating to the character and behaviour of this people must be interesting to the reader, on account of the tragedy that was afterward acted here, it will be proper to acquaint him, that we had not always so much reason to be satisfied with the conduct of the warrior chiefs or Earees, as with that of the priests. In all our dealings with the former, we found them sufficiently attentive to their own interests; and besides their habit of stealing, which may admit of some excuse, from the universality of the practice amongst the islanders of these seas, they made use of other artifices equally dishonourable. I shall only mention one instance, in which we discovered, with regret, our friend Koah to be a party principally concerned. As the chiefs, who brought us presents of hogs, were always sent back handsomely rewarded, we had generally a greater supply than we could make use of. On these occasions, Koah, who never failed in his attendance on us, used to beg such as we did not want, and they were always given to him. It one day happened, that a pig was presented us by a man whom Koah himself introduced as a chief, who was de-

sirous of paying his respects, and we recollected the pig to be the same that had been given to Koah just before. This leading us to suspect some trick, we found, on further inquiry, the pretended chief to be an ordinary person; and on connecting this with other circumstances, we had reason to suspect, that it was not the first time we had been the dupes of the like imposition.

      Things continued in this state till the 24th, when we were a good deal surprized to find that no canoes were suffered to put off from the shore, and that the natives kept close to their houses. After several hours suspence, we learned that the bay was tabooed, and all intercourse with us interdicted, on account of the arrival of Terreeoboo. As we had not foreseen an accident of this sort, the crews of both ships were obliged to pass the day without their usual supply of vegetables. The next morning, therefore, they endeavoured, both by threats and promises, to induce the natives to come along-side; and as some of them were at last venturing to put off, a chief was observed attempting to drive them away. A musquet was immediately fired over his head, to make him desist, which had the desired effect, and refreshments were soon after purchased as usual. In the afternoon, Terreeoboo arrived, and visited the ships in a private manner, attended only by one canoe, in which were his wife and children. He staid on board till near ten o'clock, when he returned to the village of Kowrowa.

      The next day, about noon, the king, in a large canoe, attended by two others, set out from the village, and paddled toward the ships in great state. Their appearance was grand and magnificent. In the first canoe was Terreeoboo and his chiefs, dressed in their rich feathered clokes and helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers; in

the second, came the venerable Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and his brethren, with their idols displayed on red cloth. These idols were busts of a gigantic size, made of wicker-work, and curiously covered with small feathers of various colours, wrought in the same manner with their cloaks. Their eyes were made of large pearl oysters, with a black nut fixed in the centre; their mouths were set with a double row of the fangs of dogs, and, together with the rest of their features, were strangely distorted. The, third canoe was filled with hogs and various sorts of vegetables. As they went along, the priests in the centre canoe sung their hymns with great solemnity; and after paddling round the ships, instead of going on board, as was expected, they made toward the shore at the beach where we were stationed ^*.

      As soon as I saw them approaching, I ordered out our little guard to receive the king; and Captain Cook, perceiving that he was going on shore, followed him, and arrived nearly at the same time. We conducted them into the tent, where they had scarcely been seated, when the king rose up, and in a very graceful manner threw over the Captain's shoulders the cloak he himself wore, put a feathered helmet upon his head, and a curious fan into his hand. He also spread at his feet five or six other cloaks, all exceedingly beautiful, and of the greatest value. His attendants then brought four very large hogs, with sugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; and this part of the ceremony was concluded by the king's exchanging names with Captain Cook, which, amongst all the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, is

esteemed the strongest pledge of friendship. A procession of priests, with a venerable old personage at their head, now appeared, followed by a long train of men leading large hogs, and others carrying plantains, sweet potatoes, &c. By the looks and gestures of Kaireekeea, I immediately knew the old man to be the chief of the priests before mentioned, on whose bounty we had so long subsisted. He had a piece of red cloth in his hands, which he wrapped round Captain Cook's shoulders, and afterward presented him with a small pig in the usual form. A seat was then made for him, next to the king, after which, Kaireekeea and his followers began their ceremonies, Kaoo and the chiefs joining in the responses.

      I was surprized to see, in the person of this king the same infirm and emaciated old man, that came on board the Resolution when we were off the North East side of the island of Mowee; and we soon discovered amongst his attendants most of the persons who at that time had remained with us all night. Of this number were the two younger sons of the king, the eldest of whom was sixteen years of age, and his nephew Maiha-Maiha, whom at first we had some difficulty in recollecting, his hair being plastered over with a dirty brown paste and powder, which was no mean heightening to the most savage face I ever beheld.

      As soon as the formalities of the meeting were over, Captain Cook carried Terreeoboo, and as many chiefs as the pinnace could hold, on board the Resolution. They were received with every mark of respect that could be shewn them; and Captain Cook, in return for the feathered cloak, put a linen shirt on the king, and girt his own hanger round him. The ancient Kaoo, and about half a dozen more old chiefs,

remained on shore, and took up their abode at the priests houses. During all this time, not a canoe was seen in the bay, and the natives either kept within their huts, or lay prostrate on the ground. Before the king left the Resolution, Captain Cook obtained leave for the natives to come and trade with the ships as usual; but the women, for what reason we could not learn, still continued under the effects of the taboo; that is, were forbidden to stir from home, or to have any communication with us.

CHAP. II.

Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives.—Their Hospitality.—Propensity to Theft.—Description of a Boxing Match.—Death of one of our Seamen.—Behaviour of the Priests at his Funeral.—The Wood Work and Images on the Morai purchased.—The Natives inquisitive about our Departure.—Their Opinion about the Design of our Voyage.—Magnificent Presents of Terreeoboo to Captain Cook.—The Ships leave the Island.—The Resolution damaged in a Gale, and obliged to return.

      The quiet and inoffensive behaviour of the natives having taken away every apprehension of danger, we did not hesitate to trust ourselves amongst them at all times, and in all situations. The Officers of both ships went daily up the country, in small parties, or even singly, and frequently remained out the whole night. It would be endless to recount all the instances of kindness and civility which we received upon those occasions. Wherever we went, the people flocked about us, eager to offer every assistance in their power, and highly gratified if their services were accepted. Various little arts were practised to attract our notice, or to delay our departure. The boys and girls ran before, as we walked through their villages, and stopped us at every opening, where there was room to form a group for dancing. At one time, we were invited to accept a draught of cocoa-nut milk, or some other refreshment

under the shade of their huts; at another, we were seated within a circle of young women, who exerted all their skill and agility to amuse us with songs and dances.

      The satisfaction we derived from their gentleness and hospitality, was, however, frequently interrupted by that propensity to stealing, which they have in common with all the other islanders of these seas. This circumstance was the more distressing, as it sometimes obliged us to have recourse to acts of severity, which we should willingly have avoided, if the necessity of the case had not absolutely called for them. Some of their most expert swimmers were one day discovered under the ships, drawing out the filling nails of the sheathing, which they performed very dexterously by means of a short stick, with a flint stone fixed in the end of it. To put a stop to this practice, which endangered the very existence of the vessels, we at first fired small shot at the offenders; but they easily got out of our reach by diving under the ship's bottom. It was therefore found necessary to make an example, by flogging one of them on board the Discovery.

      About this time, a large party of gentlemen, from both ships, set out on an excursion into the interior parts of the country, with a view of examining its natural productions. An account of this journey will be given in a subsequent part of our narrative. It is, therefore, only necessary at present to observe, that it afforded Kaoo a fresh opportunity of shewing his attention and generosity. For as soon as he was informed of their departure, he sent a large supply of provisions after them, together with orders, that the inhabitants of the country through which they were to pass, should give them every assistance in their power, And, to complete

the delicacy and disinterestedness of his conduct, even the people he employed could not be prevailed on to accept the smallest present. After remaining out six days, our Officers returned, without having been able to penetrate above twenty miles into the island; partly from want of proper guides, and partly from the impracticability of the country.

      The head of the Resolution's rudder being found exceedingly shaken, and most of the pintles either loose or broken, it was unhung, and sent on shore, on the 27th in the morning, to undergo a thorough repair. At the same time, the carpenters were sent into the country, under conduct of some of Kaoo's people, to cut planks for the the head rail work, which was also entirely decayed and rotten.

      On the 28th, Captain Clerke, whose ill health confined him, for the most part, on board, paid Terreeoboo his first visit, at his hut on shore. He was received with the same formalities as were observed with Captain Cook; and, on his coming away, though the visit was quite unexpected, he received a present of thirty large hogs, and as much fruit and roots as his crew could consume in a week.

      As we had not yet seen any thing of their sports or athletic exercises, the natives, at the request of some of our Officers, entertained us this evening with a boxing-match. Though these games were much inferior, as well in point of solemnity and magnificence, as in the skill and powers of the combatants, to what we had seen exhibited at the Friendly Islands; yet, as they differed in some particulars, it may not be improper to give a short account of them. We found a vast concourse of people assembled on a level spot of ground, at a little distance from our tents. A long space

was left vacant in the midst of them, at the upper end of which sat the judges, under three standards, from which hung slips of cloth of various colours, the skins of two wild geese, a few small birds, and bunches of feathers. When the sports were ready to begin, the signal was given by the judges, and immediately two combatants appeared. They came forward slowly, lifting up their feet very high behind, and drawing their hands along the soles. As they approached, they frequently eyed each other from head to foot, in a contemptuous manner, casting several arch looks at the spectators, straining their muscles, and using a variety of affected gestures. Being advanced within reach of each other, they stood with both arms held out straight before their faces, at which part all their blows were aimed. They struck, in what appeared to our eyes an awkward manner, with a full swing of the arm; made no attempt to parry, but eluded their adversary's attack by an inclination of the body, or by retreating. The battle was quickly decided; for if either of them was knocked down, or even fell by accident, he was considered as vanquished, and the victor expressed his triumph by a variety of gestures, which usually excited, as was intended, a loud laugh among the spectators. He then waited for a second antagonist; and if again victorious, for a third, till he was, at last, in his turn defeated. A singular rule observed in these combats is, that whilst any two are preparing to fight, a third person may step in, and choose either of them for his antagonist, when the other is obliged to withdraw. Sometimes three or four followed each other in this manner, before the match was settled. When the combat proved longer than usual, or appeared too unequal, one of the chiefs generally stepped in, and ended it by putting a stick between the combatants.

      The same good humour was preserved throughout, which we before so much admired in the Friendly Islanders. As these games were given at our desire, we found it was universally expected, that we should have borne our part in them; but our people, though much pressed by the natives, turned a deaf ear to their challenge, remembering full well the blows they got at the Friendly Islands.

      This day died William Watman, a seaman of the gunner's crew; an event which I mention the more particularly, as death had hitherto been very rare amongst us. He was an old man, and much respected on account of his attachment to Captain Cook. He had formerly served as a marine twenty-one years; after which he entered as a seaman on board the Resolution in 1772, and served with Captain Cook in his voyage toward the South Pole. At their return, he was admitted into Greenwich hospital, through the Captain's interest, at the same time with himself; and being resolved to follow throughout the fortunes of his benefactor, he also quitted it along with him, on his being appointed to the command of the present expedition. During the voyage, he had frequently been subject to slight fevers, and was a convalescent when we came into the bay, where being sent on shore for a few days, he conceived him self perfectly recovered, and, at his own desire, returned on board; but the day following, he had a paralytic stroke, which in two days more carried him off.

      At the request of the king of the island, he was buried the Morai, and the ceremony was performed with as much solemnity as our situation permitted. Old Kaoo and his brethren were spectators, and preserved the most profound silence and attention, whilst the service was reading.

      When we began to fill up the grave, they approached it with great reverence, threw in a dead pig, some cocoa-nuts, and plantains; and, for three nights afterward, they surrounded it, sacrificing hogs, and performing their usual ceremonies of hymns and prayers, which continued till day-break.

      At the head of the grave, we erected a post, and nailed upon it a square piece of board, on which was inscribed the name of the deceased, his age, and the day of his death. This they promised not to remove; and we have no doubt, but that it will be suffered to remain, as long as the frail materials, of which it is made, will permit.

The ships being in great want of fuel, the Captain desired me, on the 2d of February, to treat with the priests, for the purchase of the rail, that surrounded the top of the Morai. I must confess, I had, at first, some doubt about the decency of this proposal, and was apprehensive, that even the bare mention of it might be considered, by them, as a piece of shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myself mistaken. Not the smallest surprize was expressed at the application, and the wood was readily given, even without stipulating for any thing in return. Whilst the sailors were taking it away, I observed one of them carrying off a carved image; and, on further inquiry, I found, that they had conveyed to the boats the whole ^* semicircle. Though this was done in the presence of the natives, who had not shewn any mark of resentment at it, but had even assisted them in the removal, I thought it proper to speak to Kaoo, on the subject; who appeared very indifferent about the matter, and only desired, that we would restore the centre

image, I have mentioned before, which he carried into one of the priest's houses.

      Terreeoboo, and his Chiefs, had, for some days past, been very inquisitive about the time of our departure. This circumstance had excited in me a great curiosity to know, what opinion this people had formed of us, and what were their ideas respecting the cause and objects of our voyage. I took some pains to satisfy myself on these points; but could never learn any thing farther, than that they imagined we came from some country where provisions had failed; and that our visit to them was merely for the purpose of filling our bellies. Indeed, the meagre appearance of some of our crew, the hearty appetites with which we sat down to their fresh provisions, and our great anxiety to purchase, and carry off, as much as we were able, led them, naturally enough, to such a conclusion. To these may be added, a circumstance which puzzled them exceedingly, our having no women with us; together with our quiet conduct, and unwarlike appearance. It was ridiculous enough to see them stroking the sides, and patting the bellies, of the sailors (who were certainly much improved in the sleekness of their looks, during our short stay in the island), and telling them, partly by signs, and partly by words, that it was time for them to go; but if they would come again the next bread-fruit season, they should be better able to supply their wants. We had now been sixteen days in the bay; and if our enormous consumption of hogs and vegetables be considered, it need not be wondered, that they should wish to see us take our leave. It is very probable, however, that Terreeoboo had no other view, in his inquiries, at present, than a desire of making sufficient preparation for dismissing

us with presents, suitable to the respect and kindness with which he had received us. For, on our telling him we should leave the island on the next day but one, we observed, that a sort of proclamation was immediately made, through the villages, to require the people to bring in their hogs, and vegetables, for the king to present to the Orono, on his departure.

      We were this day much diverted, at the beach, by the buffooneries of one of the natives. He held in his hand an instrument, of the sort described in the last volume ^*; some bits of sea-weed were tied round his neck; and round each leg, a piece of strong netting, about nine inches deep, on which a great number of dogs' teeth were loosely fastened, in rows. His style of dancing was entirely burlesque, and accompanied with strange grimaces, and pantomimical distortions of the face; which though at times inexpressibly ridiculous, yet, on the whole, was without much meaning, or expression. Mr. Webber thought it worth his while to make a drawing of this person, as exhibiting a tolerable specimen of the natives; the manner in which the maro is tied; the figure of the instrument before mentioned, and of the ornaments round the legs, which, at other times, we also saw used by their dancers.

      In the evening, we were again entertained with wrestling and boxing matches; and we displayed, in return, the few fireworks we had left. Nothing could be better calculated to excite the admiration of these islanders, and to impress them with an idea of our great superiority, than an exhibition of this kind. Captain Cook has already described the extraordinary effects of that which was made at Hapaee;

and though the present was, in every respect, infinitely inferior, yet the astonishment of the natives was not less.

      I have before mentioned, that the carpenters, from both ships, had been sent up the country to cut planks, for the head rail-work of the Resolution. This was the third day since their departure; and having received no intelligence from them, we began to be very anxious for their safety. We were communicating our apprehensions to old Kaoo, who appeared as much concerned as ourselves, and were concerting measures with him, for sending after them, when they arrived all safe. They had been obliged to go farther into the country than was expected, before they met with trees fit for their purpose; and it was this circumstance, together with the badness of the roads, and the difficulty of bringing back the timber, which had detained them so long. They spoke in high terms of their guides, who both supplied them with provisions, and guarded their tools with the utmost fidelity.

      The next day, being fixed for our departure, Terreeoboo invited Captain Cook and myself to attend him, on the 3d, to the place, where Kaoo resided. On our arrival, we found the ground covered with parcels of cloth; a vast quantity of red and yellow feathers, tied to the fibres of cocoa-nut husks; and a great number of hatchets, and other pieces of iron-ware, that had been got in barter from us. At a little distance from these, lay an immense quantity of vegetables, of every kind, and near them was a large herd of hogs. At first, we imagined the whole to be intended as a present for us, till Kaireekeea informed me, that it was a gift, or tribute, from the people of that district to the king; and, accordingly, as soon as we were seated, they brought all the

bundles, and laid them severally at Terreeoboo's feet; spreading out the cloth, and displaying the feathers, and iron-ware, before him. The king seemed much pleased with this mark of their duty; and having selected about a third part of the iron-ware, the same proportion of feathers, and a few pieces of cloth, these were set aside, by themselves; and the remainder of the cloth, together with all the hogs and vegetables, were afterward presented to Captain Cook, and myself. We were astonished at the value and magnitude of this present, which far exceeded every thing of the kind we had seen, either at the Friendly or Society Islands. Boats were immediately sent, to carry them on board; the large hogs were picked out, to be salted for sea-store; and upward of thirty smaller pigs, and the vegetables, were divided between the two crews.

      The same day, we quitted the Morai, and got the tents and astronomical instruments on board. The charm of the taboo was now removed; and we had no sooner left the place, than the natives rushed in, and searched eagerly about, in expectation of finding something of value, that we might have left behind. As I happened to remain the last on shore, and waited for the return of the boat, several came crowding about me, and having made me sit down by them, began to lament our separation. It was, indeed, not without difficulty, I was able to quit them. And here, I hope I may be permitted to relate a trifling occurrence, in which I was principally concerned. Having had the command of the party on shore, during the whole time we were in the bay, I had an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with the natives, and of being better known to them, than those whose duty required them to be generally on board. As I had every reason to be satisfied with their kindness, in ge-

neral, so cannot too often, nor too particularly, mention the unbounded and constant friendship of their priests.

      On my part, I spared no endeavours to conciliate their affections, and gain their esteem; and I had the good fortune to succeed so far, that, when the time of our departure was made known, I was strongly solicited to remain behind, not without offers of the most flattering kind. When I excused myself, by saying, that Captain Cook would not give his consent, they proposed, that I should retire into the mountains; where, they said, they would conceal me, till after the departure of the ships; and on my farther assuring them, that the Captain would not leave the bay without me, Terreeoboo and Kaoo waited upon Captain Cook, whose son they supposed I was, with a formal request, that I might be left behind. The Captain, to avoid giving a positive refusal, to an offer so kindly intended, told them, that he could not part with me, at that time, but that he should return to the island next year, and would then endeavour to settle the matter to their satisfaction.

      Early in the morning of the 4th, we unmoored, and sailed out of the bay, with the Discovery in company, and were followed by a great number of canoes. Captain Cook's design was to finish the survey of Owhyhee, before he visited the other islands, in hopes of meeting with a road better sheltered, than the bay we had just left; and in case of not succeeding here, he purposed to take a view of the South East part of Mowee, where the natives informed us we should find an excellent harbour.

      We had calm weather all this and the following day, which made our progress to the Northward very slow. We were accompanied by a great number of the natives in

their canoes; and Terreeoboo gave a fresh proof of his friendship to Captain Cook, by a large present of hogs, and vegetables, that was sent after him.

      In the night of the 5th, having a light breeze off the land, we made some way to the Northward; and in the morning of the 6th, having passed the Westernmost point of the island, we found ourselves abreast of a deep bay, called by the natives Toe-yah-yah. We had great hopes, that this bay would furnish us with a safe and commodious harbour, as we saw, to the North East, several fine streams of water; and the whole had the appearance of being well sheltered. These observations agreeing with the accounts given us by Koah, who accompanied Captain Cook, and had changed his name, out of compliment to us, into Britannee, the pinnace was hoisted out, and the Master, with Britannee for his guide, was sent to examine the bay, whilst the ships worked up after them.

      In the afternoon, the weather became gloomy, and the gusts of wind, that blew off the land, were so violent, as to make it necessary to take in all the sails, and bring to, under the mizen stay-sail. All the canoes left us, at the beginning of the gale; and Mr. Bligh, on his return, had the satisfaction of saving an old woman, and two men, whose canoe had been overset by the violence of the wind, as they were endeavouring to gain the shore. Besides these distressed people, we had a great many women on board, whom the natives had left behind, in their hurry to shift for themselves.

      The Master reported to Captain Cook, that he had landed at the only village he saw, on the North side of the bay, where he was directed to some wells of water; but found,

they would by no means answer our purpose; that he after ward proceeded farther into the bay, which runs inland to a great depth, and stretches toward the foot of a very conspicuous high mountain, situated on the North West end of the island; but that instead of meeting with safe anchorage, as Britannee had taught him to expect, he found the shores low and rocky, and a flat bed of coral rocks running along the coast, and extending upward of a mile from the land; on the outside of which, the depth of water was twenty fathoms, over a sandy bottom; and that, in the mean time, Britannee had contrived to slip away, being afraid of returning, as we imagined, because his information had not proved true and successful.

      In the evening, the weather being more moderate, we again made sail; but about midnight it blew so violently, as to split both the fore and main topsails. On the morning of the 7th, we bent fresh sails, and had fair weather, and a light breeze. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 20° 1′ North, the West point of the island bearing South, 7° East, and the North West point North, 38° East. As we were, at this time, four or five leagues from the shore, and the weather very unsettled, none of the canoes would venture out, so that our guests were obliged to remain with us, much indeed to their dissatisfaction; for they were all seasick, and many of them had left young children behind them.

      In the afternoon, though the weather was still squally, we stood in for the land, and being about three leagues from it, we saw a canoe, with two men paddling toward us, which we immediately conjectured had been driven off the shore, by the late boisterous weather; and therefore stopped

the ship's way, in order to take them in. These poor wretches were so entirely exhausted with fatigue, that had not one of the natives on board, observing their weakness, jumped into the canoe to their assistance, they would scarcely have been able to fasten it to the rope we had thrown out for that purpose. It was with difficulty we got them up the ship's side, together with a child, about four years old, which they had lashed under the thwarts of the canoe, where it had lain with only its head above water. They told us, they had left the shore the morning before, and had been, from that time, without food or water. The usual precautions were taken in giving them victuals, and the child being committed to the care of one of the women, we found them all next morning perfectly recovered.

      At midnight, a gale of wind came on, which obliged us to double reef the topsails, and get down the top-gallant yards. On the 8th, at day-break, we found, that the foremast had again given way, the fishes, which were put on the head, in King George's or Nootka Sound, on the coast of America, being sprung, and the parts so very defective, as to make it absolutely necessary to replace them, and, of course, to unstep the mast. In this difficulty, Captain Cook was for some time in doubt, whether he should run the chance of meeting with a harbour in the islands to leeward, or return to Karakakooa. That bay was not so remarkably commodious, in any respect, but that a better might probably be expected, both for the purpose of repairing the masts, and for procuring refreshments, of which, it was imagined, that the neighbourhood of Karakakooa had been already pretty well drained. On the other hand, it was considered as too great a risk to leave a place, that was tolerably sheltered, and which, once left, could not be re-

gained, for the mere hopes of meeting with a better; the failure of which might perhaps have left us without resource.

      We therefore continued standing on toward the land, in order to give the natives an opportunity of releasing their friends on board from their confinement; and, at noon, being within a mile of the shore, a few canoes came off to us, but so crowded with people, that there was not room in them for any of our guests; we therefore hoisted out the pinnace to carry them on shore; and the Master, who went with them, had directions to examine the South coasts of the bay for water; but returned without finding any.

      The winds being variable, and a current setting strong to the Northward, we made but little progress in our return; and at eight o'clock in the evening of the 9th, it began to blow very hard from the South East, which obliged us to close reef the topsails; and at two in the morning of the 10th, in a heavy squall, we found ourselves close in with the breakers, that lie to the Northward of the West point of Owhyhee. We had just room to haul off, and avoid them, and fired several guns to apprize the Discovery of the danger.

      In the forenoon, the weather was more moderate, and a few canoes came off to us, from which we learnt, that the late storms had done much mischief; and that several large canoes had been lost. During the remainder of the day, we kept beating to windward; and, before night, we were within a mile of the bay; but not choosing to run on, while it was dark, we stood off and on till day-light next morning, when we dropt anchor nearly in the same place as before.

CHAP. III.

Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return to Karakakooa Bay.—Theft on board the Discovery, and its Consequences.—The Pinnace attacked, and the Crew obliged to quit her.—Captain Cook's Observations on the Occasion.—Attempt at the Observatary.—The Cutter of the Discovery stolen.—Measures taken by Captain Cook for its Recovery.—Goes on Shore, to invite the King on board.—The King being stopped by his Wife, and the Chiefs, a Contest arises.—News arrives of one of the Chiefs being killed, by one of our People.—Ferment on this Occasion.—One of the Chiefs threatens Captain Cook, and is shot by him.—General Attack by the Natives.—Death of Captain Cook.—Account of the Captain's Services, and a Sketch of his Character.

      We were employed the whole of the 11th, and part of the 12th, in getting out the foremast, and sending it, with the carpenters, on shore. Besides the damage which the head of the mast had sustained, we found the heel exceedingly rotten, having a large hole up the middle of it, capable of holding four or five cocoa-nuts. It was not, however, thought necessary to shorten it; and fortunately, the logs of red toa-wood, which had been cut at Eimeo, for anchor-stocks, were found fit to replace the sprung parts of the fishes. As these repairs were likely to

take up several days, Mr. Bayly and myself, got the astronomical apparatus on shore, and pitched our tents on the Morai; having with us a guard of a corporal and six marines. We renewed our friendly correspondence with the priests, who, for the greater security of the workmen, and their tools, tabooed the place where the mast lay, sticking their wands round it, as before. The sailmakers were also sent on shore, to repair the damages which had taken place in their department, during the late gales. They were lodged in a house adjoining to the Morai, that was lent us by the priests. Such were our arrangements on shore. I shall now proceed to the account of those other transactions with the natives, which led, by degrees, to the fatal catastrophe of the 14th.

      Upon coming to anchor, we were surprized to find our reception very different from what it had been on our first arrival; no shouts, no bustle, no confusion; but a solitary bay, with only here and there a canoe stealing close along the shore. The impulse of curiosity, which had before operated to so great a degree, might now indeed be supposed to have ceased; but the hospitable treatment we had invariably met with, and the friendly footing on which we parted, gave us some reason to expect, that they would again have flocked about us with great joy, on our return.

      We were forming various conjectures, upon the occasion of this extraordinary appearance, when our anxiety was at length relieved by the return of a boat, which had been sent on shore, and brought us word, that Terreeoboo was absent, and had left the bay under the taboo. Though this account appeared very satisfactory to most of us; yet others were of opinion, or rather, perhaps, have been led, by sub-

sequent events, to imagine, that there was something, at this time, very suspicious in the behaviour of the natives; and that the interdiction of all intercourse with us, on pretence of the king's absence, was only to give him time to consult with his Chiefs, in what manner it might be proper to treat us. Whether these suspicions were well founded, or the account given by the natives was the truth, we were never able to ascertain. For though it is not improbable, that our sudden return, for which they could see no apparent cause, and the necessity of which we afterward found it very difficult to make them comprehend, might occasion some alarm; yet the unsuspicious conduct of Terreeoboo, who, on his supposed arrival, the next morning, came immediately to visit Captain Cook, and the consequent return of the natives to their former friendly intercourse with us, are strong proofs, that they neither meant, nor apprehended, any change of conduct.

      In support of this opinion, I may add the account of another accident, precisely of the same kind, which happened to us, on our first visit, the day before the arrival of the king. A native had sold a hog on board the Resolution; and taken the price agreed on, when Pareea, passing by, advised the man not to part with the hog, without an advanced price. For this, he was sharply spoken to, and pushed away; and the taboo being soon after laid on the bay, we had at first no doubt, but that it was in consequence of the ofsence given to the Chief. Both these accidents serve to shew, how very difficult it is to draw any certain conclusion from the actions of people, with whose customs, as well as language, we are so imperfectly acquainted; at the same time, some idea may be formed from them, of the difficulties, at the first view, perhaps, not very apparent,

which those have, to encounter, who, in all their transactions with these strangers, have to steer their course amidst so much uncertainty, where a trifling error may be attended with even the most fatal consequences. However true or false our conjectures may be, things went on in their usual quiet course, till the afternoon of the 13th.

      Toward the evening of that day, the officer who commanded the watering-party of the Discovery, came to inform me, that several Chiefs had assembled at the well near the beach, driving away the natives, whom he had hired to assist the sailors in rolling down the casks to the shore. He told me, at the same time, that he thought their behaviour extremely suspicious, and that they meant to give him some farther disturbance. At his request, therefore, I sent a marine along with him, but suffered him to take only his sidearms. In a short time, the officer returned, and on his acquainting me, that the islanders had armed themselves with stones, and were grown very tumultuous, I went myself to the spot, attended by a marine, with his musquet. Seeing us approach, they threw away their stones, and, on my speaking to some of the Chiefs, the mob were driven away, and those who chose it, were suffered to assist in filling the casks. Having left things quiet here, I went to meet Captain Cook, whom I saw coming on shore, in the pinnace. I related to him what had just passed; and he ordered me, in case of their beginning to throw stones, or behave insolently, immediately to fire a ball at the offenders. I accordingly gave orders to the corporal, to have the pieces of the sentinels loaded with ball, instead of small shot.

      Soon after our return to the tents, we were alarmed by a continued fire of musquets, from the Discovery, which we

observed to be directed at a canoe, that we saw paddling toward the shore, in great haste, pursued by one of our small boats. We immediately concluded, that the firing was in consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook ordered me to follow him with a marine armed, and to endeavour to seize the people, as they came on shore. Accordingly we ran toward the place where we supposed the canoe would land, but were too late; the people having quitted it, and made their escape into the country before our arrival.

      We were at this time ignorant, that the goods had been already restored; and as we thought it probable, from the circumstances we had at first observed, that they might be of importance, were unwilling to relinquish our hopes of recovering them. Having therefore inquired of the natives, which way the people had fled, we followed them, till it was near dark, when judging ourselves to be about three miles from the tents, and suspecting, that the natives, who frequently encouraged us in the pursuit, were amusing us with false information, we thought it in vain to continue our search any longer, and returned to the beach.

      During our absence, a difference, of a more serious and unpleasant nature, had happened; The officer, who had been sent in the small boat, and was returning on board, with the goods which had been restored, observing Captain Cook and me engaged in the pursuit of the offenders, thought it his duty to seize the canoe, which was left drawn up on the shore. Unfortunately, this canoe belonged to Pareea, who arriving, at the same moment, from on board the Discovery, claimed his property, with many protestations of his innocence. The officer refusing to give it up, and

being joined by the crew of the pinnace, which was waiting for Captain Cook, a scuffle ensued, in which Pareea was knocked down, by a violent blow on the head, with an oar. The natives, who were collected about the spot, and had hitherto been peaceable spectators, immediately attacked our people with such a shower of stones, as forced them to retreat, with great precipitation, and swim off to a rock, at some distance from the shore. The pinnace was immediately ransacked by the islanders; and, but for the timely interposition of Pareea, who seemed to have recovered from the blow, and forgot it at the same instant, would soon have been entirely demolished. Having driven away the crowd, he made signs to our people, that they might come and take possession of the pinnace, and that he would endeavour to get back the things which had been taken out of it. After their departure, he followed them in his canoe, with a midshipman's cap, and some other trifling articles of the plunder, and, with much apparent concern at what had happened, asked, if the Orono would kill him, and whether he would permit him to come on board the next day? On being assured, that he should be well received, he joined noses (as their custom is) with the officers, in token of friendship, and paddled over to the village of Kowrowa.

      When Captain Cook was informed of what had passed, he expressed much uneasiness at it, and as we were returning on board, "I am afraid," said he, "that these people will oblige me to use some violent measures; for, he added, "they must not be left to imagine, that they have gained an advantage over us." However, as it was too late to take any steps this evening, he contented himself with giving orders, that every man and woman on board should be immediately turned out of the ship. As soon as this order

was executed, I returned on shore; and our former considence in the natives being now much abated, by the events of the day, I posted a double guard on the Morai, with orders to call me, if they saw any men lurking about the beach. At about eleven o'clock, five islanders were observed creeping round the bottom of the Morai; they seemed very cautious in approaching us, and, at last, finding themselves discovered, retired out of sight. About midnight, one of them venturing up close to the observatory, the sentinel fired over him; on which the men fled, and we passed the remainder of the night without farther disturbance.

      Next morning, at day-light, I went on board the Resolution for the time-keeper, and, in my way, was hailed by the Discovery, and informed, that their cutter had been stolen, during the night, from the buoy where it was moored.

      When I arrived on board, I found the marines arming, and Captain Cook loading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst I was relating to him what had happened to us in the night, he interrupted me, with some eagerness, and acquainted me with the loss of the Discovery's cutter, and with the preparations he was making for its recovery. It had been his usual practice, whenever any thing of consequence was lost, at any of the islands in this ocean, to get the king, or some of the principal Erees, on board, and to keep them as hostages, till it was restored. This method, which had been always attended with success, he meant to pursue on the present occasion; and, at the same time, had given orders to stop all the canoes that should attempt to leave the bay, with an intention of seizing and destroying them, if he could not recover the cutter by peaceable means. Accord-

ingly, the boats of both ships, well manned and armed, were stationed across the bay; and, before I left the ship, some great guns had been fired at two large canoes, that were attempting to make their escape.

      It was between seven and eight o'clock when we quitted the ship together; Captain Cook in the pinnace, having Mr. Phillips, and nine marines with him; and myself in the small boat. The last orders I received from him were, to quiet the minds of the natives, on our side of the bay, by assuring them, they should not be hurt; to keep my people together; and to be on my guard. We then parted; the Captain went toward Kowrowa, where the king resided; and I proceeded to the beach. My first care, on going ashore, was to give strict orders to the marines to remain within the tent, to load their pieces with ball, and not to quit their arms. Afterward I took a walk to the huts of old Kaoo, and the priests, and explained to them, as well as I could, the object of the hostile preparations, which had exceedingly alarmed them. I found, that they had already heard of the cutter's being stolen, and I assured them, that though Captain Cook was resolved to recover it, and to punish the authors of the theft, yet that they, and the people of the village on our side, need not be under the smallest apprehension of suffering any evil from us. I desired the priests to explain this to the people, and to tell them not to be alarmed, but to continue peaceable and quiet. Kaoo asked me, with great earnestness, if Terreeoboo was to be hurt? I assured him, he was not; and both he and the rest of his brethren seemed much satisfied with this assurance.

      In the mean time, Captain Cook, having called off the launch which was stationed at the North point of the bay, and

taken it along with him, proceeded to Kowrowa, and landed with the Lieutenant and nine marines. He immediately marched into the village, where he was received with the usual marks of respect; the people prostrating themselves before him, and bringing their accustomed offerings of small hogs. Finding that there was no suspicion of his design, his next step was, to inquire for Terreeoboo, and the two boys, his sons, who had been his constant guests on board the Resolution. In a short time, the boys returned along with the natives, who had been sent in search of them, and immediately led Captain Cook to the house where the king had slept. They found the old man just awoke from sleep; and, after a short conversation about the loss of the cutter, from which Captain Cook was convinced that he was in no wise privy to it, he invited him to return in the boat, and spend the day on board the Resolution. To this proposal the king readily consented, and immediately got up to accompany him.

      Things were in this prosperous train, the two boys being already in the pinnace, and the rest of the party having advanced near the water-side, when an elderly woman called Kanee-kabareea, the mother of the boys, and one of the king's favourite wives, came after him, and with many tears, and entreaties, besought him not to go on board. At the same time, two Chiefs, who came along with her, laid hold of him, and insisting, that he should go no farther, forced him to sit down. The natives, who were collecting in prodigious numbers along the shore, and had probably been alarmed by the firing of the great guns, and the appearances of hostility in the bay, began to throng round Captain Cook and their king. In this situation, the Lieutenant of marines, observing that his men were huddled close

together in the crowd, and thus incapable of using their arms, if any occasion should require it, proposed to the Captain, to draw them up along the rocks, close to the water's edge; and the crowd readily making way for them to pass, they were drawn up in a line, at the distance of about thirty yards from the place where the king was sitting.

      All this time, the old king remained on the ground, with the strongest marks of terror and dejection in his countenance; Captain Cook, not willing to abandon the object for which he had come on shore, continuing to urge him, in the most pressing manner, to proceed; whilst, on the other band, whenever the king appeared inclined to follow him, the Chiefs, who stood round him, interposed, at first with prayers and entreaties, but afterward, having recourse to force and violence, and insisted on his staying where he was Captain Cook therefore finding, that the alarm had spread too generally, and that it was in vain to think any longer of getting him off, without bloodshed, at last gave up the point; observing to Mr. Phillips, that it would be impossible to compel him to go on board, without the risk of killing a great number of the inhabitants.

      Though the enterprize, which had carried Captain Cook on shore had now failed, and was abandoned, yet his person did not appear to have been in the least danger, till an accident happened, which gave a fatal turn to the affair. The boats, which had been stationed across the bay, having fired at some canoes, that were attempting to get out, unfortunately had killed a Chief of the first rank. The news of his death arrived at the village where Captain Cook was, just as he had left the king, and was walking slowly toward the shore. The ferment it occasioned was very conspicuous;

the women and children were immediately sent off; and the men put on their war-mats, and armed themselves with spears and stones. One of the natives, having in his hands a stone, and a long iron spike (which they call a pahooa) came up to the Captain, flourishing his weapon, by way of defiance, and threatening, to throw the stone. The Captain desired him to desist; but the man persisting in his insolence, he was at length provoked to fire a load of small-shot. The man having his mat on, which the shot were not able to penetrate, this had no other effect than to irritate and encourage them. Several stones were thrown at the marines; and one of the Erees attempted to stab Mr. Phillips with his pahooa; but failed in the attempt, and received from him a blow with the but end of his musquet. Captain Cook now fired his second barrel, loaded with ball, and killed one of the foremost of the natives. A general attack with stones immediately followed, which was answered by a discharge of musquetry from the marines, and the people in the boats. The islanders, contrary to the expectations of every one. stood the fire with great firmness; and before the marines had time to reload, they broke in upon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed was a scene of the utmost horror and confusion.

      Four of the marines were cut off amongst the rocks in their retreat, and fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy; three more were dangerously wounded; and the Lieutenant, who had received a stab between the shoulders with a pahooa, having fortunately reserved his fire, shot the man who had wounded him just as he was going to repeat his blow. Our unfortunate Commander, the last time he was seen distinctly, was standing at the water's edge, and calling out to the boats to cease firing, and to pull in. If it be true, as some

of those who were present have imagined, that the marines and boat-men had fired without his orders, and that he was desirous of preventing any further bloodshed, it is not improbable, that his humanity, on this occasion, proved fatal to him. For it was remarked, that whilst he faced the natives, none of them had offered him any violence, but that having turned about, to give his orders to the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with his face into the water. On seeing him fall, the islanders set up a great shout, and his body was immediately dragged on shore, and surrounded by the enemy, who snatching the dagger out of each other's hands, shewed a savage eagerness to have a share in his destruction.

      Thus fell our great and excellent Commander! After a life of so much distinguished and successful enterprize, his death, as far as regards himself, cannot be reckoned premature; since he lived to finish the great work for which he seems to have been designed; and was rather removed from the enjoyment, than cut off from the acquisition, of glory. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented, by those who had so long found their general security in his skill and conduct, and every consolation, under their hardships, in his tenderness and humanity, it is neither necessary nor possible for me to describe; much less shall I attempt to paint the horror with which we were struck, and the universal dejection and dismay, which followed so dreadful and unexpected a calamity. The reader will not be displeased to turn from so sad a scene, to the contemplation of his character and virtues, whilst I am paying my last tribute to the memory of a dear and honoured friend, in a short history of his life, and public services.

      Captain James Cook was born near Whitby, in Yorkshire, in the year 1727; and, at an early age, was put apprentice to a shopkeeper in a neighbouring village. His natural inclination not having been consulted on this occasion, he soon quitted the counter from disgust, and bound himself, for nine years, to the master of a vessel in the coal trade. At the breaking out of the war in 1755, he entered into the king's service, on board the Eagle, at that time commanded by Captain Hamer, and afterward by Sir Hugh Palliser, who soon discovered his merit, and introduced him on the quarter-deck.

      In the year 1758, we find him master of the Northumberland, the flag ship of Lord Colville, who had then the command of the squadron stationed on the coast of America. It was here, as I have often heard him say, that, during a hard winter, he first read Euclid, and applied himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, without any other assistance, than what a few books, and his own industry, afforded him. At the same time, that he thus found means to cultivate and improve his mind, and to supply the deficiencies of an early education, he was engaged in most of the busy and active scenes of the war in America. At the fiege of Quebec, Sir Charles Saunders committed to his charge the execution of services, of the first importance in the naval department. He piloted the boats to the attack of Montmorency; conducted the embarkation to the Heights of Abraham; examined the passage, and laid buoys for the security of the large ships in proceeding up the river. The courage and address with which he acquitted himself in these services, gained him the warm friendship of Sir Charles Saunders and Lord Colville, who continued to patronize him, during the rest of their lives, with the greatest zeal and af-

fection. At the conclusion of the war, he was appointed, through the recommendation of Lord Colville and Sir Hugh Palliser, to survey the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the coasts of Newfoundland. In this employment he continued till the year 1767, when he was fixed on by Sir Edward Hawke, to command an expedition to the South Seas; for the purpose of observing the transit of Venus, and prosecuting discoveries in that part of the globe.

      From this period, as his services are too well known to require a recital here, so his reputation has proportionably advanced to a height too great to be affected by my panegyrick. Indeed, he appears to have been most eminently and peculiarly qualified for this species of enterprize. The earliest habits of his life, the course of his services, and the constant application of his mind, all conspired to fit him for it, and gave him a degree of professional knowledge, which can fall to the lot of very few.

      The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour, and capable of undergoing the severest hardships. His stomach bore, without difficulty, the coarsest and most ungrateful food. Indeed, temperance in him was scarcely a virtue; so great was the indifference with which he submitted to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his mind were of the same hardy, vigorous kind with those of his body. His understanding was strong and perspicacious. His judgment, in whatever related to the services he was engaged in, quick and sure. His designs were bold and manly; and both in the conception, and in the mode of execution, bore evident marks of a great original genius. His courage was cool and determined, and accompanied with an admirable presence of mind in the moment of

danger. His manners were plain and unaffected. His temper might perhaps have been justly blamed, as subject to hastiness and passion, had not these been disarmed by a disposition the most benevolent and humane.

      Such were the outlines of Captain Cook's character; but its most distinguishing feature was, that unremitting perseverance in the pursuit of his object, which was not only superior to the opposition of dangers, and the pressure of hardships, but even exempt from the want of ordinary relaxation. During the long and tedious voyages in which he was engaged, his eagerness and activity were never in the least abated. No incidental temptation could detain him for a moment; even those intervals of recreation, which sometimes unavoidably occurred, and were looked for by us with a longing, that persons, who have experienced the fatigues of service, will readily excuse, were submitted to by him with a certain impatience, whenever they could not be employed in making further provision for the more effectual prosecution of his designs.

      It is not necessary, here, to enumerate the instances in which these qualities were displayed, during the great and important enterprizes in which he was engaged. I shall content myself with stating the result of those services, under the two principal heads to which they may be referred, those of geography and navigation, placing each in a separate and distinct point of view.

      Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from the labours of a single man, than geography has done from those of Captain Cook. In his first voyage to the South Seas, he discovered the Society Islands; determined the insularity of New Zealand; discovered the straits which sepa-

rate the two islands, and are called after his name; and made a complete survey of both. He afterward explored the Eastern coast of New Holland, hitherto unknown; an extent of twenty-seven degrees of latitude, or upward of two thousand miles.

      In his second expedition, he resolved the great problem of a Southern continent; having traversed that hemisphere between the latitudes of 40° and 70°, in such a manner, as not to leave a possibility of its existence, unless near the pole, and out of the reach of navigation. During this voyage, he discovered New Caledonia, the largest island in the Southern Pacific, except New Zealand; the island of Georgia; and an unknown coast, which he named Sandwich Land, the thule of the Southern hemisphere; and having twice visited the tropical seas, he settled the situations of the old, and made several new discoveries.

      But the voyage we are now relating, is distinguished, above all the rest, by the extent and importance of its discoveries. Besides several smaller islands in the Southern Pacific, he discovered, to the North of the equinoctial line, the group called the Sandwich Islands; which, from their situation and productions, bid fairer for becoming an object of consequence, in the system of European navigation, than any other discovery in the South Sea. He afterward explored what had hitherto remained unknown of the Western coast of America, from the latitude of 43° to 70° North, containing an extent of three thousand five hundred miles; ascertained the proximity of the two great continents of Asia and America; passed the straits between them, and surveyed the coast, on each side, to such a height of Northern latitude, as to demonstrate the impracticability of a passage,

in that hemisphere, from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, either by an Eastern or a Western course. In short, if we except the sea of Amur, and the Japanese Archipelago, which still remain imperfectly known to Europeans, he has completed the hydrography of the habitable globe.

      As a navigator, his services were not perhaps less splendid; certainly not less important and meritorious. The method which he discovered, and so successfully pursued, of preserving the health of seamen, forms a new æra in navigation, and will transmit his name to future ages, amongst the friends and benefactors of mankind.

      Those who are conversant in naval history, need not be told, at how dear a rate the advantages, which have been sought, through the medium of long voyages at sea, have always been purchased. That dreadful disorder which is peculiar to this service, and whose ravages have marked the tracks of discoverers with circumstances almost too shocking to relate, must, without exercising an unwarrantable tyranny over the lives of our seamen, have proved an insuperable obstacle to the prosecution of such enterprizes. It was reserved for Captain Cook to shew the world, by repeated trials, that voyages might be protracted to the unusual length of three or even four years, in unknown regions, and under every change and rigour of climate, not only without affecting the health, but even without diminishing the probability of life, in the smallest degree. The method he pursued has been fully explained by himself, in a paper which was read before the Royal Society, in the year 1776 ^*; and whatever improvements the experience

of the present voyage has suggested, are mentioned in their proper places.

      With respect to his professional abilities, I shall leave them to the judgment of those who are best acquainted with the nature of the services in which he was engaged. They will readily acknowledge, that to have conducted three expeditions of so much danger and difficulty, of so unusual a length, and in such a variety of situation, with uniform and invariable success, must have required not only a thorough and accurate knowledge of his business, but a powerful and comprehensive genius, fruitful in resources, and equally ready in the application of whatever the higher and inferior calls of the service required.

      Having given the most faithful account I have been able to collect, both from my own observation, and the relations of others, of the death of my ever honoured friend, and also of his character and services; I shall now leave his memory to the gratitude and admiration of posterity; accepting, with a melancholy satisfaction, the honour, which the loss of him hath procured me, of seeing my name joined with his; and of testifying that affection and respect for his memory, which, whilst he lived, it was no less my inclination, than my constant study, to shew him.

CHAP. IV.

Transactions at Owhyhee, subsequent to the Death of Captain Cook.—Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of Marines.—Dangerous Situation of the Party at the Morai.—Bravery of one of the Natives.—Consultation respecting future Measures.—Demand of the Body of Captain Cook.—Evasive and insidious Conduct of Koah, and the Chiefs.—Insolent Behaviour of the Natives.—Promotion of Officers.—Arrival of two Priests with Part of the Body.—Extraordinary Behaviour of two Boys.—Burning of the Village of Kakooa.—Unfortunate Destruction of the Dwellings of the Priests.—Recovery of the Bones of Captain Cook.—Departure from Karakakooa Bay.

      It has been already related, that four of the marines, who attended Captain Cook, were killed by the islanders on the spot. The rest, with Mr. Phillips, their Lieutenant, threw themselves into the water, and escaped, under cover of a smart fire from the boats. On this occasion, a remarkable instance of gallant behaviour, and of affection for his men, was shewn by that officer. For he had scarcely got into the boat, when, seeing one of the marines, who was a bad swimmer, struggling in the water, and in danger of being taken by the enemy, he immediately jumped into the sea to his assistance, though much wounded himself; and

after receiving a blow on the head from a stone, which had nearly sent him to the bottom, he caught the man by the hair, and brought him safe off ^*.

      Our people continued for some time to keep up a constant fire from the boats (which, during the whole transaction, were not more than twenty yards from the land), in order to afford their unfortunate companions, if any of them should still remain alive, an opportunity of escaping. These efforts, seconded by a few guns, that were sired at the same time, from the Resolution, having forced the natives at last to retire, a small boat, manned by five of our young midshipmen, pulled toward the shore, where they saw the bodies, without any signs of life, lying on the ground; but judging it dangerous to attempt to bring them off, with so small a force, and their ammunition being nearly expended, they returned to the ships, leaving them in possession of the islanders, together with ten islands of arms.

      As soon as the general consternation, which the news of this calamity occasioned throughout both crews, had a little subsided, their attention was called to our party at the Morai,

where the mast and sails were on shore, with a guard of only six marines. It is impossible for me to describe the emotions of my own mind, during the time these transactions had been carrying on, at the other side of the bay. Being at the distance only of a short mile from the village of Kowrowa, we could see distinctly an immense crowd collected on the spot where Captain Cook had just before landed. We heard the firing of the musquerry, and could perceive some extraordinary bustle and agitation in the multitude. We afterward saw the natives flying, the boats retire from the shore, and passing and repassing, in great stillness, between the ships. I must confess, that my heart soon misgave me. Where a life so dear and valuable was concerned, it was impossible not to be alarmed, by appearances both new and threatening. But, besides this, I knew, that a long and uninterrupted course of success, in his transactions with the natives of these seas, had given the Captain a degree of confidence, that I was always fearful might, at some unlucky moment, put him too much off his guard; and I now saw all the dangers to which that considence might lead, without receiving much consolation from considering the experience that had given rise to it.

      My first care, on hearing the musquets fired, was, to assure the people, who were assembled in considerable numbers, round the wall of our consecrated field, and seemed equally at a loss with ourselves how to account for what they had seen and heard, that they should not be molested; and that, at all events, I was desirous of continuing on peaceable terms with them. We remained in this posture, till the boats had returned on board, when Captain Clerke, observing, through his telescope, that we were surrounded by the natives, and apprehending they meant to attack us, ordered

two four-pounders to be fired at them. Fortunately these guns, though well aimed, did no mischief, and yet gave the natives a convincing proof of their power. One of the balls broke a cocoa-nut tree in the middle, under which a party of them were sitting; and the other shivered a rock, that stood in an exact line with them. As I had, just before, given them the strongest assurances of their safety, I was exceedingly mortified at this act of hostility; and, to prevent a repetition of it, immediately dispatched a boat to acquaint Captain Clerke, that, at present, I was on the most friendly terms with the natives; and that, if occasion should hereafter arise for altering my conduct toward them, I would hoist a jack, as a signal for him to afsord us all the assistance in his power.

      We expected the return of the boat with the utmost impatience; and after remaining a quarter of an hour, under the most torturing anxiety and suspence, our fears were at length confirmed, by the arrival of Mr. Bligh, with orders to strike the tents as quickly as possible, and to send the sails, that were repairing, on board. Just at the same moment, our friend Kaireekeea having also received intelligence of the death of Captain Cook, from a native, who had arrived from the other side of the bay, came to me, with great sorrow and dejection in his countenance, to inquire, if it was true?

      Our situation was, at this time, extremely critical and important. Not only our own lives, but the event of the expedition, and the return of at least one of the ships, being involved in the same common danger. We had the mast of the Resolution, and the greatest part of our sails, on shore, under the protection of only six marines: their loss would

have been irreparable; and though the natives had not as yet shewn the smallest disposition to molest us, yet it was impossible to answer for the alteration, which the news of the transaction at Kowrowa might produce. I therefore thought it prudent to dissemble my belief of the death of Captain Cook, and to desire Kaireekeea to discourage the report; left either the fear of our resentment, or the successful example of their countrymen, might lead them to seize the favourable opportunity, which at this time offered itself, of giving us a second blow. At the same time, I advised him to bring old Kaoo, and the rest of the priests, into a large house that was close to the Morai; partly out of regard to their safety, in case it should have been found necessary to proceed to extremities; and partly to have him near us, in order to make use of his authority with the people, if it could be instrumental in preserving peace.

      Having placed the marines on the top of the Morai, which formed a strong and advantageous post, and left the command with Mr. Bligh, giving him the most positive directions to act entirely on the defensive, I went on board the Discovery, in order to represent to Captain Clerke the dangerous situation of our affairs. As soon as I quitted the spot, the natives began to annoy our people with stones; and I had scarcely reached the ship, before I heard the firing of the marines. I therefore returned instantly on shore, where I found things growing every moment more alarming. The natives were arming, and putting on their mats; and their numbers increased very fast. I could also perceive several large bodies marching toward us, along the cliff which separates the village of Kakooa from the North side of the bay, where the village of Kowrowa is situated.

      They began, at first, to attack us with stones, from behind the walls of their inclosures, and finding no resistance on our part, they soon grew more daring. A few resolute fellows, having crept along the beach, under cover of the rocks, suddenly made their appearance at the foot of the Morai, with a design, as it seemed, of storming it on the side next the sea, which was its only accessible part; and were not dislodged, till after they had stood a considerable number of shot, and seen one of their party fall.

      The bravery of one of these assailants well deserves to be particularly mentioned. For having returned to carry off his companion, amidst the fire of our whole party, a wound, which he received, made him quit the body and retire; but, in a few minutes, he again appeared, and being again wounded, he was obliged a second time to retreat. At this moment I arrived at the Morai, and saw him return the third time, bleeding and faint; and being informed of what had happened, I forbad the soldiers to fire, and he was suffered to carry off his friend; which he was just able to perform, and then fell down himself, and expired.

      About this time, a strong reinforcement from both ships having landed, the natives retreated behind their walls; which giving me access to our friendly priests, I sent one of them to endeavour to bring their countrymen to some terms, and to propose to them, that if they would desist from throwing stones, I would not permit our men to fire. This truce was agreed to, and we were suffered to launch the mast, and carry off the sails, and our astronomical apparatus, unmolested. As soon as we had quitted the Morai, they took possession of it, and some of them threw a few stones; but without doing us any mischief.

      It was half an hour past eleven o'clock, when I got on board the Discovery, where I found no decisive plan had been adopted for our future proceedings. The restitution of the boat, and the recovery of the body of Captain Cook were the objects, which, on all hands, we agreed to insist on; and it was my opinion, that some vigorous steps should be taken, in case the demand of them was not immediately complied with.

      Though my feelings, on the death of a beloved and honoured friend, may be suspected to have had some share in this opinion, yet there were certainly other reasons, and those of the most serious kind, that had considerable weight with me. The confidence which their success in killing our Chief, and forcing us to quit the shore, must naturally have inspired; and the advantage, however trifling, which they had obtained over us the preceding day, would, I had no doubt, encourage them to make some further dangerous attempts; and the more especially, as they had little reason, from what they had hitherto seen, to dread the effects of our fire-arms. Indeed, contrary to the expectations of every one, this sort of weapon had produced no signs of terror in them. On our side, such was the condition of the ships, and the state of discipline amongst us, that had a vigorous attack been made on us, in the night, it would have been impossible to answer for the consequences.

      In these apprehensions, I was supported by the opinion of most of the officers on board; and nothing seemed to me so likely to encourage the natives to make the attempt, as the appearance of our being inclined to an accommodation, which they could only attribute to weakness, or fear.

      In favour of more conciliatory measures, it was justly urged, that the mischief was done, and irreparable; that the natives had a strong claim to our regard, on account of their former friendship and kindness; and the more especially, as the late melancholy accident did not appear to have arisen from any premeditated design: that, on the part of Terreeoboo, his ignorance of the theft, his readiness to accompany Captain Cook on board, and his having actually sent his two sons into the boat, must free him from the smallest degree of suspicion: that the conduct of his women, and the Erees, might easily be accounted for, from the apprehensions occasioned by the armed force with which Captain Cook came on shore, and the hostile preparations in the bay; appearances so different from the terms of friendship and confidence, in which both parties had hitherto lived, that the arming of the natives was evidently with a design to resist the attempt, which they had some reason to imagine would be made, to carry off their king by force, and was naturally to be expected from a people full of affection and attachment to their Chiefs.

      To these motives of humanity, others of a prudential nature were added; that we were in want of water, and other refreshments: that our foremast would require six or eight days work, before it could be stepped: that the spring was advancing apace; and that the speedy prosecution of our next Northern expedition ought now to be our sole object: that therefore to engage in a vindictive contest with the inhabitants, might not only lay us under the imputation of unnecessary cruelty, but would occasion an unavoidable delay in the equipment of the ships.

      In this latter opinion Captain Clerke concurred; and though I was convinced, that an early display of vigorous

resentment would more effectually have answered every object both of prudence and humanity, I was not sorry, that the measures I had recommended were rejected. For though the contemptuous behaviour of the natives, and their subsequent opposition to our necessary operations on shore, arising, I have no doubt, from a misconstruction of our lenity, compelled us at last to have recourse to violence in our own defence; yet I am not so sure, that the circumstances of the case would, in the opinion of the world, have justified the use of force, on our part, in the first instance. Cautionary rigour is at all times invidious, and has this additional objection to it, that the severity of a preventive course, when it best succeeds, leaves its expediency the least apparent.

      During the time we were thus engaged, in concerting some plan for our future conduct, a prodigious concourse of natives still kept possession of the shore; and some of them came off in canoes, and had the boldness to approach within pistol-shot of the ships, and to insult us by various marks of contempt and defiance. It was with great difficulty we could restrain the sailors from the use of their arms, on these occasions; but as pacific measures had been resolved on, the canoes were suffered to return unmolested.

      In pursuance of this plan, it was determined, that I should proceed toward the shore, with the boats of both ships, well manned and armed, with a view to bring the natives to a parley, and, if possible, to obtain a conference with some of the Chiefs.

      If this attempt succeeded, I was to demand the dead bodies, and particularly that of Captain Cook; to threaten

them with our vengeance in case of a refusal; but, by no means, to fire unless attacked; and not to land on any account whatever. These orders were delivered to me before the whole party, and in the most positive manner.

      I left the ships about four o'clock in the afternoon; and, as we approached the shore, I perceived every indication of a hostile reception. The whole crowd of natives was in motion; the women and children retiring; the men putting on their war mats, and arming themselves with long spears and daggers. We also observed, that, since the morning, they had thrown up done bread-works along the beach, where Captain Cook had landed; probably in expectation of an attack at that place; and, as soon as we were within reach, they began to throw stones at us with slings, but without doing any mischief. Concluding, therefore, that all attempts to bring them to a parley would be in vain, unless I first gave them some ground for mutual confidence; I ordered the armed boats to stop, and went on, in the small boat, alone, with a white flag in my hand, which, by a general cry of joy from the natives, I had the satisfaction to find was instantly understood. The women immediately returned from the side of the hill, whither they had retired; the men threw off their mats; and all sat down together by the water-side, extending their arms, and inviting me to come on shore.

      Though this behaviour was very expressive of a friendly disposition, yet I could not help entertaining some suspicions of its sincerity. But when I saw Koah, with a boldness and assurance altogether unaccountable, swimming off toward the boat, with a white flag in his hand, I thought it necessary to return this mark of confidence, and therefore received him into the boat, though armed; a circumstance

which did not tend to lessen my suspicions. I must confess, I had long harboured an unfavourable opinion of this man. The priests had always told us, that he was of a malicious disposition, and no friend of ours; and the repeated detections of his fraud and treachery, had convinced us of the truth of their representations. Add to all this, the shocking transaction of the morning, in which he was seen acting a principal part, made me feel the utmost horror at finding myself so near him; and as he came up to me with feigned tears, and embraced me. I was so distrustful of his intentions, that I could not help taking hold of the point of the pahooah, which he held in his hand, and turning it from me. I told him, that I had come to demand the body of Captain Cook; and to declare war against them, unless it was instantly restored. He assured me this should be done as soon as possible; and that he would go himself for that purpose; and, after begging of me a piece of iron, with much assurance, as if nothing extraordinary had happened, he leaped into the sea, and swam ashore, calling, out to his countrymen, that we were all friends again.

      We waited near an hour, with great anxiety for his return; during which time, the rest of the boats had approached so near the shore, as to enter into conversation with a party of the natives, at some distance from us; by whom they were plainly given to understand, that the body had been cut to pieces, and carried up the country; but of this circumstance I was not informed, till our return to the ships.

      I began now to express some impatience at Koah's delay; upon which the Chiefs pressed me exceedingly to come on shore; assuring me, that if I would go myself to Terreeoboo,

the body would certainly be restored to me. When they found they could not prevail on me to land, they attempted, under a pretence of wishing to converse with more ease, to decoy our boat among some rocks, where they would have had it in their power to cut us off from the rest. It was no difficult matter to see through these artifices; and I was, therefore, strongly inclined to break off all further communication with them, when a Chief came to us, who was the particular friend of Captain Clerke, and of the officers of the Discovery, on board which ship he had sailed, when we last left the bay, intending to take his passage to Mowee. He told us, he came from Terreeoboo to acquaint us, that the body was carried up the country; but that it should be brought to us the next morning. There appeared a great deal of sincerity in his manner; and being asked, if he told a falsehood, he hooked his two fore-fingers together, which is understood amongst these islanders as the sign of truth; in the use of which they are very scrupulous.

      As I was now at a loss in what manner to proceed, I sent Mr. Vancouver to acquaint Captain Clerke with all that had passed; that my opinion was, they meant not to keep their word with us, and were so far from being sorry at what had happened, that, on the contrary, they were full of spirits and confidence on account of their late success, and sought only to gain time, till they could contrive some scheme for getting us into their power. Mr. Vancouver came back with orders for me to return on board; having first given the natives to understand, that, if the body was not brought the next morning, the town should be destroyed.

      When they saw that we were going off, they endeavoured to provoke us by the most insulting and contemptuous gestures. Some of our people said, they could distinguish seve-

ral of the natives parading about in the clothes of our unfortunate comrades; and, among them, a Chief brandishing Captain Cook's hanger, and a woman holding the scabbard. Indeed, there can be no doubt, but that our behaviour had given them a mean opinion of our courage; for they could have but little notion of the motives of humanity that directed it.

      In consequence of the report I made to Captain Clerke, of what I conceived to be the present temper and disposition of the islanders, the most effectual measures were taken to guard against any attack they might make in the night. The boats were moored with top-chains; additional sentinels were posted on both ships; and guard-boats were stationed to row round them, in order to prevent the natives from cutting the cables. During the night we observed a prodigious number of lights on the hills, which made some of us imagine, they were removing their effects back into the country, in consequence of our threats. But I rather believe them to have been the sacrifices that were performing on account of the war, in which they imagined themselves about to be engaged; and most probably the bodies of our slain countrymen were, at that time, burning. We afterward saw fires of the same kind, as we passed the island of Morotoi; and which, we were told by some natives then on board, were made on account of the war they had declared against a neighbouring island. And this agrees with what we learned amongst the Friendly and Society Isles, that, previous to any expedition against an enemy, the Chiefs always endeavoured to animate and inflame the courage of the people by feasts and rejoicings in the night.

      We remained the whole night undisturbed, except by the howlings and lamentations which were heard on shore:

and early the next morning, Koah came along-side the Resolution, with a present of cloth, and a small pig, which he desired leave to present to me. I have mentioned before, that I was supposed, by the natives, to be the son of Captain Cook; and as he, in his life-time, had always suffered them to believe it, I was probably considered as the Chief, after his death. As soon as I came on deck, I questioned him about the body; and, on his returning me nothing but evasive answers, I refused to accept his presents; and was going to dismiss him, with some expressions of anger and resentment, had not Captain Clerke, judging it best, at all events, to keep up the appearance of friendship, thought it more proper, that he should be treated with the usual respect.

      This treacherous fellow came frequently to us, during the course of the forenoon, with some trifling present or other; and as I always observed him eyeing every part of the ship with great attention, I took care he should see we were well prepared for our defence.

      He was exceedingly urgent, both with Captain Clerke and myself, to go on shore, laying all the blame of the detention of the bodies on the other Chiefs; and assuring us, that every thing might be settled to our satisfaction, by a personal interview with Terreeoboo. However, his conduct was too suspicious to make it prudent to comply with this request; and indeed a fact came afterward to our knowledge, which proved the entire falsehood of his pretensions. For we were told, that, immediately after the action in which Captain Cook was killed, the old king had retired to a cave in the steep part of the mountain, that hangs over the bay, which was accessible only by the help of ropes,

and where he remained for many days, having his victuals let down to him by cords.

      When Koah returned from the ships, we could perceive that his countrymen, who had been collected, by break of day, in vast crowds on the shore, thronged about him with great eagerness; as if to learn the intelligence he had acquired, and what was to be done in consequence of it. It is very probable, that they expected we should attempt to put our threats in execution; and they seemed fully resolved to stand their ground. During the whole morning, we heard conchs blowing in different parts of the coast; large parties were seen marching over the hills; and, in short, appearances were so alarming, that we carried out a stream anchor, to enable us to haul the ship abreast of the town, in case of an attack; and stationed boats off the North point of the bay, to prevent a surprise from that quarter.

      The breach of their engagement to restore the bodies of the slain, and the warlike posture, in which they, at this time, appeared, occasioned fresh debates amongst us concerning the measures next to be pursued. It was, at last, determined, that nothing should be suffered to interfere with the repair of the mast, and the preparations for our departure; but that we should, nevertheless, continue our negociations for the recovery of the bodies.

      The greatest part of the day was taken up in getting the fore-mast into a proper situation on deck, for the carpenters to work upon it; and in making the necessary alterations in the commissions of the officers. The command of the expedition having devolved on Captain Clerke, he removed on board the Resolution, appointed Lieutenant Gore to be Captain of the Discovery, and promoted Mr. Harvey, a mid-

shipman, who had been with Captain Cook in his two last voyages, to the vacant Lieutenancy. During the whole day, we met with no interruption from the natives; and, at night, the launch was again moored with a top-chain; and guard-boats stationed round both ships as before.

      About eight o'clock, it being very dark, a canoe was heard paddling toward the ship; and as soon as it was seen, both the sentinels on deck fired into it. There were two persons in the canoe, and they immediately roared out "Tinnee," (which was the way in which they pronounced my name), and said they were friends, and had something for me belonging to Captain Cook. When they came on board, they threw themselves at our feet, and appeared exceedingly frightened. Luckily neither of them was hurt, notwithstanding the balls of both pieces had gone through the canoe. One of them was the person, whom I have before mentioned under the name of the Taboo man, who constantly attended Captain Cook with the circumstances of ceremony I have already described; and who, though a man of rank in the island, could scarcely be hindered from performing for him the lowest offices of a menial servant. After lamenting, with abundance of tears, the loss of the Orono, he told us, that he had brought us a part of his body. He then presented to us a small bundle wrapped up in cloth, which he brought under his arm; and it is impossible to describe the horror which seized us, on finding in it, a piece of human flesh, about nine or ten pounds weight. This, he said, was all that remained of the body; that the rest was cut to pieces, and burnt; but that the head and all the bones, except what belonged to the trunk, were in the possession of Terreeoboo, and the other Erees; that what we saw had been allotted to Kaoo, the chief of

the priests, to be made use of in some religious ceremony; and that he had sent it as a proof of his innocence and attachment to us.

      This afforded an opportunity of informing ourselves, whether they were cannibals; and we did not neglect it. We first tried, by many indirect questions, put to each of them apart, to learn in what manner the rest of the bodies had been disposed of; and finding them very constant in one story, that, after the slesh had been cut off, it was all burnt; we at last put the direct question, Whether they had not eat some of it? They immediately shewed as much horror at the idea, as any European would have done; and asked, very naturally, if that was the custom amongst us? They afterward asked us, with great earnestness and apparent apprehension, "When the Orono would come again? and what he would do to them on his return?" The same inquiry was frequently made afterward by others; and this idea agrees with the general tenour of their conduct toward him, which shewed, that they considered him as a being of a superior nature.

      We pressed our two friendly visiters to remain on board till morning; but in vain. They told us, that, if this transaction should come to the knowledge of the king, or Chiefs, it might be attended with the most fatal consequences to their whole society; in order to prevent which, they had been obliged to come off to us in the dark; and that the same precaution would be necessary in returning on shore. They informed us farther, that the Chiefs were eager to revenge the death of their countrymen; and, particularly, cautioned us against trusting Koah, who, they said, was our mortal and implacable enemy; and desired nothing more ardently, than

an opportunity of fighting us; to which the blowing of the conchs, we had heard in the morning, was meant as a challenge.

      We learned from these men, that seventeen of their countrymen were killed in the first action at Kowrowa, of whom five were Chiefs; and that Kaneena and his brother, our very particular friends, were unfortunately of that number. Eight, they said, were killed at the observatory; three of whom were also of the first rank.

      About eleven o'clock, our two friends left us, and took the precaution to desire, that our guard-boat might attend them, till they had passed the Discovery, left they should again be fired upon, which might alarm their countrymen on shore, and expose them to the danger of being discovered. This request was complied with; and we had the satisfaction to find, that they got safe and undiscovered to land.

      During the remainder of this night, we heard the same loud howling and lamentations, as in the preceding one. Early in the morning, we received another visit from Koah. I must confess, I was a little piqued to find, that, notwithstanding the most evident marks of treachery in his conduct, and the positive testimony of our friends the priests, he should still be permitted to carry on the same farce, and to make us at least appear to be the dupes of his hypocrisy. Indeed our situation was become extremely awkward and unpromising; none of the purposes for which this pacific course of proceeding had been adopted, having hitherto been in the least forwarded by it. No satisfactory answer whatever had been given to our demands; we did not seem to be at all advanced toward a reconciliation with the

islanders; they still kept in force on the shore, as if determined to resist any attempts we might make to land; and yet the attempt was become absolutely necessary, as the completing our supply of water would not admit of any longer delay.

      However it must be observed, in justice to the conduct of Captain Clerke, that it was very probable, from the great numbers of the natives, and from the resolution with which they seemed to expect us, an attack could not have been made without some danger; and that the loss of a very few men might have been severely felt by us, during the remaining course of our voyage. Whereas the delaying the execution of our threats, though, on the one hand, it lessened their opinion of our prowess, had the effect of causing them to disperse, on the other. For, this day, about noon, finding us persist in our inactivity, great bodies of them, after blowing their conchs, and using every mode of defiance, marched off, over the hills, and never appeared afterward. Those, however, who remained, were not the less daring and insolent. One man had the audacity to come within musquet-shot, a-head of the ship; and, after slinging several stones at us, he waved Captain Cook's hat over his head, whilst his countrymen on shore were exulting, and encouraging his boldness. Our people were all in a flame at this insult, and coming in a body on the quarterdeck, begged they might no longer be obliged to put up with these repeated provocations; and requested me to obtain permission for them, from Captain Clerke, to avail themselves of the first fair occasion of revenging the death of their Commander. On my acquainting him with what was passing, he gave orders for some great guns to be fired at the natives on shore; and promised the crew, that if they

should meet with any molestation at the watering-place, the next day, they should then be left at liberty to chastise them.

      It is somewhat remarkable, that, before we could bring our guns to bear, the islanders had suspected our intentions, from the stir they saw in the ship, and had retired behind their houses and walls. We were therefore obliged to fire, in some measure, at random; notwithstanding which, our shot produced all the effects that could have been desired. For, soon after, we saw Koah paddling toward us, with extreme haste, and, on his arrival, we learned, that some people had been killed, and amongst the rest, Maiha-maiha, a principal Chief, and a near relation of the king ^*.

      Soon after the arrival of Koah, two boys swam off from the Morai toward the ships, having each a long spear in his hand; and after they had approached pretty near, they began to chant a song, in a very solemn manner; the subject of which, from their often mentioning the word Orono, and pointing to the village where Captain Cook was killed, we concluded to be the late calamitous disaster. Having sung in a plaintive strain for about twelve or fifteen minutes, during the whole of which time they remained in the water, they went on board the Discovery, and delivered their spears; and, after making a short stay, returned on shore. Who sent them, or what was the object of this ceremony, we were never able to learn.

      At night, the usual precautions were taken for the Security of the ships; and as soon as it was dark, our two

friends, who had visited us the night before, came off again. They assured us, that though the effects of our great guns, this afternoon, had terrified the Chiefs exceedingly, they had by no means laid aside their hostile intentions, and advised us to be on our guard.

      The next morning, the boats of both ships were sent ashore for water; and the Discovery was warped close to the beach, in order to cover that service. We soon found, that the intelligence which the priests had sent us, was not without foundation; and that the natives were resolved to take every opportunity of annoying us, when it could be done without much risk.

      Throughout all this group of islands, the villages, for the most part, are situated near the sea; and the adjacent ground is inclosed with stone walls, about three feet high. These, we at first imagined, were intended for the division of property; but we now discovered, that they served, and probably were principally designed, for a defence against invasion. They consist of loose stones, and the inhabitants are very dexterous in shifting them, with great quickness, to such situations, as the direction of the attack may require. In the sides of the mountain, which hangs over the bay, they have also little holes, or caves, of considerable depth, the entrance of which is secured by a fence of the same kind. From behind both these defences the natives kept perpetually harassing our waterers with stones; nor could the small force we had on shore, with the advantage of musquets, compel them to retreat.

      In this exposed situation, our people were so taken up in attending to their own safety, that they employed the whole forenoon in filling only one ton of water. As it was there-

fore impossible to perform this service, till their assailants were driven to a greater distance, the Discovery was ordered to dislodge them, with her great guns; which being effected by a few discharges, the men landed without molestation. However, the natives soon after made their appearance again, in their usual mode of attack; and it was now found absolutely necessary to burn down some straggling houses, near the wall, behind which they had taken shelter. In executing these orders, I am sorry to add, that our people were hurried into acts of unnecessary cruelty and devastation. Something ought certainly to be allowed to their resentment of the repeated insults, and contemptuous behaviour, of the islanders, and to the natural desire of revenging the loss of their Commander. But, at the same time, their conduct served strongly to convince me, that the utmost precaution is necessary in trusting, though but for a moment, the discretionary use of arms, in the hands of private seamen, or soldiers, on such occasions. The rigour of discipline, and the habits of obedience, by which their force is kept directed to its proper objects, lead them naturally enough to conceive, that whatever they have the power, they have also the right to do. Actual disobedience being almost the only crime for which they are accustomed to expect punishment, they learn to consider it as the only measure of right and wrong; and hence are apt to conclude, that what they can do with impunity, they may do with justice and honour. So that the feelings of humanity, which are inseparable from us all, and that generosity toward an unresisting enemy, which, at other times, is the distinguishing mark of brave men, become but weak restraints to the exercise of violence, when opposed to the desire they naturally have of shewing their own independence and power.

I have already mentioned, that orders had been given to burn only a few straggling huts, which afforded shelter to the natives. We were therefore a good deal surprized to see the whole village on fire; and before a boat, that was sent to stop the progress of the mischief, could reach the shore, the houses of our old and constant friends, the priests, were all in flames. I cannot enough lament the illness, that confined me on board this day. The priests had always been under my protection; and, unluckily, the officers who were then on duty, having been seldom on shore at the Morai, were not much acquainted with the circumstances of the place. Had I been present myself, I might probably have been the means of saving their little society from destruction.

      Several of the natives were shot, in making their escape from the flames; and our people cut off the heads of two of them, and brought them on board. The fate of one poor islander was much lamented by us all. As he was coming to the well for water, he was shot at by one of the marines. The ball struck his calibash, which he immediately threw from him and fled. He was pursued into one of the caves I have before described, and no lion could have defended his den with greater courage and fierceness; till at last, after having kept two of our people at bay for a considerable time, he expired, covered with wounds. It was this accident, that first brought us acquainted with the use of these caverns.

      At this time, an elderly man was taken prisoner, bound, and sent on board in the same boat with the heads of his two countrymen. I never saw horror so strongly pictured, as in the face of this man, nor so violent a transition to

extravagant joy, as when he was untied, and told he might go away in safety. He shewed us he did not want gratitude, as he frequently afterward returned with presents of provisions; and also did us other services.

      Soon after the village was destroyed, we saw, coming down the hill, a man, attended by fifteen or twenty boys, holding pieces of white cloth, green boughs, plantains, &c. in their hands. I knew not how it happened, that this peaceful embassy, as soon as they were within reach, received the fire of a party of our men. This, however, did not stop them. They continued their procession, and the officer on duty came up, in time, to prevent a second discharge. As they approached nearer, it was found to be our much-esteemed friend Kaireekeea, who had fled on our first setting fire to the village, and had now returned, and desired to be sent on board the Resolution.

      When he arrived, we found him exceedingly grave and thoughtful. We endeavoured to make him understand the necessity we were under of setting fire to the village, by which his house, and those of his brethren, were unintentionally consumed. He expostulated a little with us on our want of friendship, and on our ingratitude. And, indeed, it was not till now, that we learnt the whole extent of the injury we had done them. He told us, that, relying on the promises I had made them, and on the assurances they had afterward received from the men, who had brought us the remains of Captain Cook, they had not removed their effects back into the country, with the rest of the inhabitants, but had put every thing that was valuable of their own, as well as what they had collected from us, into a house close to the Morai, where they had the mortification to see it all set on fire by ourselves.

      On coming on board, he had seen the heads of his countrymen lying on the deck, at which he was exceedingly shocked, and desired, with great earnestness, that they might be thrown over-board. This request Captain Clerke instantly ordered to be complied with.

      In the evening, the watering party returned on board, having met with no farther interruption. We passed a gloomy night; the cries and lamentations we heard on shore being far more dreadful than ever. Our only consolation was, the hope that we should have no occasion, in future, for a repetition of such severities.

      It is very extraordinary, that, amidst all these disturbances, the women of the island, who were on board, never offered to leave us, nor discovered the smallest apprehensions either for themselves or their friends ashore. So entirely unconcerned did they appear, that some of them, who were on deck when the town was in flames, seemed to admire the sight, and frequently cried out, that it was maitai, or very fine.

      The next morning, Koah came off as usual to the ships. As there existed no longer any necessity for keeping terms with him, I was allowed to have my own way. When he approached toward the side of the ship, singing his song, and offering me a hog, and some plantains, I ordered him to keep off, cautioning him never to appear again without Captain Cook's bones, left his life should pay the forfeit of his frequent breach of promise. He did not appear much mortified with this reception, but went immediately on shore, and joined a party of his countrymen, who were pelting the waterers with stones. The body of the young man, who had been killed the day before, was found

this morning, lying at the entrance of the cave; and some of our people went, and threw a mat over it. Soon after which they saw some men carrying him off on their shoulders, and could hear them singing, as they marched, a mournful song.

      The natives, being at last convinced that it was not the want of ability to punish them, which had hitherto made us tolerate their provocations, desisted from giving us any farther molestation; and, in the evening, a Chief called Eappo, who had seldom visited us, but whom we knew to be a man of the very first consequence, came with presents from Terreeoboo to sue for peace. These presents were received, and he was dismissed with the same answer which had before been given, that, until the remains of Captain Cook should be restored, no peace would be granted. We learned from this person, that the flesh of all the bodies of our people, together with the bones of the trunks, had been burnt; that the limb bones of the marines had been divided amongst the inferior Chiefs; and that those of Captain Cook had been disposed of in the following manner: the head, to a great Chief, called Kahoo-opeon; the hair to Maia-maia; and the legs, thighs, and arms to Terreeoboo. After it was dark, many of the inhabitants came off with roots and other vegetables; and we also received two large presents of the same articles from Kaireekeea.

      The 19th was chiefly taken up in sending and receiving the messages which passed between Captain Clerke and Terreeoboo. Eappo was very pressing, that one of our officers should go on shore; and, in the mean time, offered to remain as an hostage on board. This request, however, it was not thought proper to comply with; and he left us with a promise of bringing the bones the next day. At

the beach, the waterers did not meet with the least opposition from the natives; who, notwithstanding our cautious behaviour, came amongst us again, without the smallest appearance of diffidence or apprehension.

      Early in the morning of the 20th, we had the satisfaction of getting the fore-mast stepped. It was an operation attended with great difficulty, and some danger; our ropes being so exceedingly rotten, that the purchase gave way several times.

      Between ten and eleven o'clock, we saw a great number of people descending the hill, which is over the beach, in a kind of procession, each man carrying a sugar-cane or two on his shoulders, and bread-fruit, taro, and plantains in his hand. They were preceded by two drummers; who, when they came to the water-side, sat down by a white flag, and began to beat their drums, while those who had followed them, advanced, one by one; and, having deposited the presents they had brought, retired in the same order. Soon after, Eappo came in sight, in his long feathered cloak, bearing something with great solemnity in his hands; and having placed himself on a rock, he made signs for a boat to be sent him.

      Captain Clerke, conjecturing that he had brought the bones of Captain Cook, which proved to be the fact, went himself in the pinnace to receive them; and ordered me to attend him in the cutter. When we arrived at the beach, Eappo came into the pinnace, and delivered to the Captain the bones wrapped up in a large quantity of fine new cloth, and covered with a spotted cloak of black and white feathers. He afterward attended us to the Resolution; but could not be prevailed upon to go on

board; probably not choosing, from a sense of decency, to be present at the opening of the bundle. We found in it both the hands of Captain Cook entire, which were well known from a remarkable scar on one of them, that divided the thumb from the fore-finger, the whole length of the metacarpal bone; the skull, but with the scalp separated from it, and the bones that form the face wanting; the scalp, with the hair upon it cut short, and the ears adhering to it; the bones of both arms, with the skin of the fore-arms hanging to them; the thigh and leg-bones joined together, but without the feet. The ligaments of the joints were entire; and the whole bore evident marks of having been in the fire, except the hands, which had the flesh left upon them, and were cut in several places, and crammed with salt, apparently with an intention of preserving them. The scalp had a cut in the back part of it, but the skull was free from any fracture. The lower jaw and feet, which were wanting, Eappo told us, had been seized by different Chiefs, and that Terreeoboo was using every means to recover them.

      The next morning, Eappo, and the king's son, came on board, and brought with them the remaining bones of Captain Cook; the barrels of his gun, his shoes, and some other trifles that belonged to him. Eappo took great pains to convince us, that Terreeoboo, Maiha-maiha, and himself were most heartily desirous of peace; that they had given us the most convincing proof of it in their power; and that they had been prevented from giving it sooner by the other Chiefs, many of whom were still our enemies. He lamented, with the greatest sorrow, the death of six Chiefs we had killed, some of whom, he said, were amongst our best friends. The cutter, he told us, was taken away by

Pareea's people; very probably in revenge for the blow that had been given him; and that it had been broken up the next day. The arms of the marines, which we had also demanded, he assured us, had been carried off by the common people, and were irrecoverable; the bones of the Chief alone having been preserved, as belonging to Terreeoboo and the Erees.

      Nothing now remained, but to perform the last offices to our great and unfortunate commander. Eappo was dismissed with orders to taboo all the bay; and, in the afternoon, the bones having been put into a coffin, and the service read over them, they were committed to the deep with the usual military honours. What our feelings were on this occasion, I leave the world to conceive; those who were present know, that it is not in my power to express them.

      During the forenoon of the 22d, not a canoe was seen paddling in the bay; the taboo, which Eappo had laid on it the day before, at our request, not being yet taken off. At length Eappo came off to us. We assured him, that we were now entirely satisfied; and that, as the Orono was buried, all remembrance of what had passed was buried with him. We afterward desired him to take off the taboo, and to make it known, that the people might bring their provisions as usual. The ships were soon surrounded with canoes, and many of the Chiefs came on board, expressing great sorrow at what had happened, and their satisfaction at our reconciliation. Several of our friends, who did not visit us, sent presents of large hogs, and other provisions. Amongst the rest came the old treacherous Koah, but was refused admittance.

      As we had now every thing ready for sea, Captain Clerke imagining, that, if the news of our proceedings should reach the Islands to leeward before us, it might have a bad effect, gave orders to unmoor. About eight in the evening we dismissed all the natives; and Eappo, and the friendly Kaireekeea, took an affectionate leave of us. We immediately weighed, and stood out of the bay. The natives were collected on the shore in great numbers; and, as we passed along, received our last farewels with every mark of affection and good will.

CHAP. V.

Departure from Karakakooa in Search of an Harbour on the South East Side of Mowee.—Driven to Leeward by the Easterly Winds and Current.—Pass the Island of Tahoorowa.—Description of the South West Side of Mowee.—Run along the Coasts of Ranai and Morotoi to Woahoo.—Description of the North East Coast of Woahoo.—Unsuccessful Attempt to water.—Passage to Atooi.—Anchor in Wymoa Bay.—Dangerous Situation of the Watering Party on Shore.—Civil Dissentions in the Islands.—Visit from the contending Chiefs.—Anchor off Oneeheow.—Final Departure from the Sandwich Islands.

      We got clear of the land about ten; and, hoisting in the boats, stood to the Northward, with an intention of searching for an harbour on the South East side of Mowee, which we had heard frequently mentioned by the natives. The next morning we found ourselves driven to leeward by a heavy swell from the North East; and a fresh gale, springing up from the same quarter, carried us still farther to the Westward. At midnight we tacked, and stood to the South for four hours, in order to keep clear of the land; and, at day-break, we found ourselves standing toward a small barren island, called Tahoorowa, which lies seven or eight miles to the South West of Mowee.

      All Prospect of examining more nearly the South East parts of Mowee being now destroyed, we bore away, and ran along the South East side of Tahoorowa. As we were steering close round its Western extremity, with an intention of fetching the West side of Mowee, we suddenly shoaled our water, and observed the sea breaking on some detached rocks, almost right ahead. This obliged us to keep away a league and a half, when we again steered to the Northward; and, after passing over a bank, with nineteen fathoms water, stood for a passage between Mowee and an island called Ranai. At noon, the latitude was, by observation, 20° 42′ North, and the longitude 203° 22′ East; the Southern extremity of Mowee bearing East South East, quarter East; the Southern extremity of Ranai West North West, quarter West; Morotoi, North West and by North; and the Western extremity of Tahoorowa, South by seven miles distant. Our longitude was accurately deduced from observations made by the time-keeper before and after noon, compared with the longitude found by a great many distances of the moon from the sun and stars, which were also observed the same day.

      In the afternoon, the weather being calm, with light airs from the West, we stood on to the North North West; but, at sun-set, observing a shoal, which appeared to stretch to a considerable distance from the West point of Mowee, toward the middle of the passage, and the weather being unsettled, we tacked, and stood toward the South.

      The South West side of this island, which we now had passed without being able to get near the shore, forms the same distant view with the North East, as seen on our return from the North, in November 1778; the mountainous parts,

which are connected by a low, flat isthmus, appearing at first like two separate islands. This deception continued on the South West side, till we approached within eight or ten leagues of the coast, which, bending inward, to a great depth, formed a fine capacious bay. The Westernmost point, off which the shoal we have just mentioned runs, is made remarkable by a small hillock, to the Southward of which there is a fine sandy bay, with several huts on the shore, and a number of cocoa-nut trees growing about them.

      During the course of the day, we were visited by several of the natives, who came off to sell provisions; and we soon found, that they had heard of our late unfortunate transactions at Owhyhee. They were very curious to learn the particulars, from a woman who had concealed herself on board the Resolution, in order to take her passage to Atooi; inquiring eagerly after Pareea, and some other Chiefs, and appearing much shocked at the death of Kaneena, and his brother. We had, however, the satisfaction to find, that, in whatever light the woman might have represented this business, it had no bad effect on their behaviour, which was remarkably civil and submissive.

      The weather continued variable, during the night; but in the morning of the 25th, having the wind at East, we ran along the South side of Ranai, till near noon; after which, we had calms and baffling winds till evening, when we steered, with a light Easterly breeze, for the West part of Morotoi. In the course of the day, the current, which, from the time we left Karakakooa Bay, had set from the North East, changed its direction to the South East.

      During the night, the wind was again variable; but early next morning, it settled at East, and blew so fresh, as to

oblige us to double-reef the topsails. At seven, on hauling round the West point of Morotoi, we opened a small bay, at the distance of about two leagues, with a fine sandy beach; but seeing no appearance of fresh water, we stood on to the North, in order to get to the windward of Woahoo, an island which we had seen at our first visit, in January 1778.

      At two in the afternoon, we saw the land, bearing West by North, eight leagues distant; and having tacked as soon as it was dark, we again bore away at day-light on the 27th; and at half past ten, were within a league of the shore, near the middle of the North East side of the island.

      The coast, to the Northward, is formed of detached hills, rising perpendicularly from the sea, with ragged and broken summits; the sides covered with wood, and the vallies between them of a fertile, and well cultivated appearance. To the Southward, we saw an extensive bay, bounded by a low point of land to the South East, which was covered with cocoa-nut trees; and off it stood a high insulated rock, about a mile from the shore. The haziness of the weather prevented our seeing distinctly the land to the Southward of the point; we could only perceive that it was high and broken.

      As the wind continued to blow very fresh, we thought it dangerous to entangle ourselves with a lee shore; and therefore did not attempt to examine the bay, but hauled up, and steered to the Northward, in the direction of the coast. At noon, we were abreast of the North point of the island, about two leagues from the land, which is low and flat, and has a reef stretching off it to the distance of near a mile and a half. The latitude, by observation, 21° 50′ North, longitude 202° 15′ East; the extreme parts of the island in

sight, bearing South South East, quarter East, and South West by South, three-quarters West.

      Between the North point and a distant head-land, which we saw to the South West, the land bends inward considerably, and appeared likely to afford a good road. We therefore directed our course along the shore, at the distance of about a mile, carrying regular soundings from twenty to thirteen fathoms. At a quarter past two, the sight of a fine river, running through a deep valley, induced us to come to an anchor in thirteen fathoms water, with a sandy bottom; the extreme points of the bay bearing South West by West half West, and North East by East three-quarters East; and the mouth of the river South East half East, one mile distant. In the afternoon, I attended the two Captains on shore, where we found but few of the natives, and those mostly women; the men, they told us, were gone to Morotoi to fight Tahyterree; but that their Chief Perreeoranee, who had stayed behind, would certainly visit us, as soon as he heard of our arrival.

      We were much disappointed to find the water had a brackish taste, for two hundred yards up the river, owing to the marshy ground through which it empties itself into the sea. Beyond this, it was perfectly fresh, and formed a fine running stream, along the side of which I walked, till I came to the conflux of two small rivulets, that branched off to the right and left of a remarkably steep and romantic mountain. The banks of this river, and indeed the whole we saw of the North West part of Woahoo, are well cultivated, and full of villages; and the face of the country is uncommonly beautiful and picturesque.

      As the watering at this place would have been attended with great labour, I was sent to examine the coast to leeward; but not being able to land, on account of a reef of coral, which stretched along the shore to the distance of half a mile, Captain Clerke determined, without farther loss of time, to proceed to Atooi. At eight in the morning, we weighed, and stood to the Northward, till day-light on the 28th, when we bore away for that island, which we were in sight of by noon; and about sunset, were off its Eastern extremity, which shews itself in a fine, green, flat point.

      It being too late to run for the road, on the South West side of the island, where we had been the last year, we passed the night in plying on and off, and at nine the next morning, came to an anchor in twenty-five fathoms water, and moored with the best bower in thirty-eight fathoms, the bluff-head, on the West side of the village, bearing North East by North three-quarters East, two miles distant; the extremes of the island, North West by West three-quarters West, and South East by East half East; the island Oneheow West by South half West. In running down to the road, from the South East point of the island, we saw the appearance of shoal water, in several places, at a considerable distance from the land; and when we were about two miles to the Eastward of the anchoring-place, and two or three miles from the shore, we got into four and half fathoms water, although our soundings had usually been seven and eight fathoms.

      We had no sooner anchored in our old station, than several canoes came along-side of us; but we could observe, that they did not welcome us with the same cordiality in their manner, and satisfaction in their countenances, as when we

were here before. As soon as they got on board, one of the men began to tell us, that we had left a disorder amongst their women, of which several persons of both sexes had died. He was himself afflicted with the venereal disease, and gave a very full and minute account of the various symptoms with which it had been attended. As there was not the slightest appearance of that disorder amongst them on our first arrival, I am afraid it is not to be denied, that we were the authors of this irreparable mischief.

      Our principal object here was to water the ships with the utmost expedition; and I was sent on shore early in the afternoon, with the pinnace and launch laden with casks. The gunner of the Resolution accompanied me to trade for provisions; and we had a guard of five marines. We found a considerable number of people collected upon the beach, who received us at first with great kindness; but as soon as we had got the casks on shore, began to be exceedingly troublesome. Former experience having taught me how difficult it was to repress this disposition, without having recourse to the authority of their Chiefs, I was very sorry to find, that they were all at another part of the island. Indeed we soon felt the want of their assistance; for it was with great difficulty I was able to form a circle, according to our usual practice, for the convenience and security of the trading party; and had no sooner done it, and posted guards to keep off the crowd, than I saw a man laying hold of the bayonet of one of the soldiers musquets, and endeavouring, with all his force, to wrench it out of his hand. On my coming up to them, the native let go his hold and retired; but returned in a moment, with a spear in one hand, and dagger in the other; and his countrymen had much ado to restrain him from trying his prowess with the soldier. This

fray was occasioned by the latter's having given the man a slight prick with his bayonet, in order to make him keep without the line.

      I now perceived, that our situation required great circumspection and management; and accordingly gave the strictest orders, that no one should fire, nor have recourse to any other act of violence, without positive commands. As soon as I had given these directions, I was called to the assistance of the watering party, where I found the natives equally inclined to mischief. They had demanded from our people a large hatchet for every cask of water; and this not being complied with, they would not suffer the sailors to roll them down to the boats.

      I had no sooner joined them, than one of the natives advanced up to me, with great insolence, and made the same claim. I told him, that, as a friend, I was very willing to present him with a hatchet, but that I should certainly carry off the water, without paying any thing for it; and I immediately ordered the pinnace men to proceed in their business, and called three marines from the traders to protect them.

      Though this shew of spirit succeeded so far as to make the natives desist from any open attempt to interrupt us, they still continued to behave in the most teasing and provoking manner. Whilst some of them, under pretence of assisting the men in rolling down the casks, turned them out of their course, and gave them a wrong direction; others were stealing the hats from off the sailors heads, pulling them backward by their clothes, or tripping up their heels; the whole crowd, all this time, shouting and laughing, with a strange mixture of childishness and malice. They afterward

found means to steal the cooper's bucket, and took away his bag by force; but the objects they were most eager to possess themselves of, were the musquets of the marines, who were, every instant, complaining of their attempts to force them out of their hands. Though they continued, for the most part, to pay great deference and respect to me, yet they did not suffer me to escape without contributing my share to their stock of plunder. One of them came up to me with a familiar air, and with great management diverted my attention, whilst another, wrenching the hanger, which I held carelesly in my hand, from me, ran off with it like lightning.

      It was in vain to think of repelling this insolence by force; guarding therefore against its effects, in the best manner we. were able, we had nothing to do but to submit patiently to it. My apprehensions were, however, a little alarmed, by the information I soon after received from the serjeant of marines, who told me, that, turning suddenly round, he saw a man behind me holding a dagger in the position of striking. In this he might possibly be mistaken; yet our situation was certainly alarming and critical, and the smallest error on our side might have been fatal to us. As our people were separated into three small parties, one at the lake, filling casks; another rolling them down to the shore; and the third, at some distance, purchasing provisions; it had once occurred to me, that it might be proper to collect them all together, and to execute and protect one duty at a time. But on second thoughts, I judged it more adviseable to let them continue as they were. In case of a real attack, our whole force, however advantageously disposed, could have made but a poor resistance. On the other hand, I thought it of some consequence to shew the natives, that we were

under no fears; and, what was still more material, the crowd was, by this means, kept divided, and a considerable part of them fully employed in bartering provisions.

      It is probable, that their dread of the effects of our arms, was the principal cause of their backwardness in attacking us; and indeed the confidence we appeared to place in this advantage, by opposing only five marines to their whole force, must have raised in them a very high idea of our superiority. It was our business to keep up this opinion as much as possible; and in justice to the whole party, I must observe, that no men could possibly behave better, for the purpose of strengthening these impressions. Whatever could be taken in jest, they bore with the utmost temper and patience; and whenever any serious attempt was made to interrupt them, they opposed it with bold looks and menaces. By this management, we succeeded so far, as to get all the casks down to the water side, without any material accident.

      While we were getting them into the launch, the natives, perceiving the opportunity of plundering would soon be over, became every moment more daring and insolent. On this occasion, I was indebted to the serjeant of marines for suggesting to me, the advantage that would arise from sending off his party first into the boats; by which means, the musquets of the soldiers, which, as I have already mentioned, were the objects the islanders had principally in view, would be removed out of their reach; and in case of an attack, the marines themselves might be employed more effectually in our defence, than if they were on shore.

      We had now got every thing into the boats, and only Mr. Anderson the gunner, a seaman of the boat's crew, and

myself, remained on shore. As the pinnace lay beyond the surf, through which we were obliged to swim, I told them to make the best of their way to it, and that I should follow them.

      With this order I was surprized to find them both refuse to comply; and the consequence was a contest amongst us, who should be the last on shore. It seems, that some hasty words I had just before used to the sailor, which he thought reflected on his courage, was the cause of this odd fancy in him; and the old gunner, finding a point of honour started, thought he could not well avoid taking a part in it. In this ridiculous situation we might have remained some time, had not our dispute been soon settled by the stones that began to fly about us, and by the cries of the people from the boats, to make haste, as the natives were following us into the water with clubs and spears. I reached the side of the pinnace first, and finding Mr. Anderson was at some distance behind, and not yet entirely out of danger, I called out to the marines, to fire one musquet. In the hurry of executing my orders, they fired two; and when I got into the boat, I saw the natives running away, and one man, with a woman sitting by him, left behind on the beach. The man made several attempts to rise, without being able; and it was with much regret, I perceived him to be wounded in the groin. The natives soon after returned, and surrounded the wounded man, brandishing their spears and daggers at us, with an air of threatening and defiance; but before we reached the ships, we saw some persons, whom we supposed to be the Chiefs, now arrived, driving them away from the shore.

      During our absence, Captain Clerke had been under the greatest anxiety for our safety. And these apprehensions

were considerably increased, from his having entirely mistaken the drift of the conversation he had held with some natives who had been on board. The frequent mention of the name of Captain Cook, with other strong and circumstantial descriptions of death and destruction, made him conclude, that the knowledge of the unfortunate events at Owhyhee had reached them, and that these were what they alluded to; whereas all they had in view was, to make known to him the wars that had arisen, in consequence of the goats that Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow, and the slaughter of the poor goats themselves, during the struggle for the property of them. Captain Clerke, applying this, earnestness of conversation, and these terrible representations, to our calamitous transactions at Owhyhee, and to an indication of revenge, kept his telescope fixed upon us, and the moment he saw the smoke of the musquets, ordered the boats to be manned and armed, and to put off to our assistance.

      The next morning, I was again ordered on shore, with the watering party. The risk we had run the preceding day determined Captain Clerke to send a considerable force from both ships for our guard, amounting in all to forty men under arms. This precaution, however, was now unnecessary} for we found the beach left entirely to ourselves, and the ground between the landing place and the lake, tabooed with small white flags. We concluded, from this appearance, that some of the Chiefs had certainly visited this quarter; and that, not being able to stay, they had kindly and considerately taken this step, for our greater security and convenience. We saw several men armed with long spears and daggers, on the other side of the river, on our right; but they did not offer to give us the least molestation. Their

women came over, and sat down on the banks close by us, and at noon we prevailed on some of the men to bring hogs and roots for our people, and to dress them for us. As soon as we had left the beach, they came down to the sea-side, and one of them threw a stone at us; but his conduct seeming to be highly disapproved of by all the rest, we did not think it proper to shew any resentment.

      The next day, we completed our watering, without meeting with any material difficulty. On our return to the ships, we found that several Chiefs had been on board, and had made excuses for the behaviour of their countrymen, attributing their riotous conduct to the quarrels which subfisted at that time amongst the principal people of the island, and which had occasioned a general want of order and subordination amongst them. The government of Atooi was in dispute between Toneoneo, who had the supreme power when we were here last year, and a boy named Teavee. They are both, by different fathers, the grandsons of Perreeorannee, king of Woahoo, who had given the government of Atooi to the former, and that of Oneeheow to the latter. The quarrel had arisen about the goats we had left at Oneeheow the last year; the right of property in which was claimed by Toneoneo, on the pretence of that island's being a dependency of his. The friends of Teavee insisting on the right of possession, both parties prepared to maintain their pretensions by force; and, a few days before our arrival, a battle had been fought, in which Toneoneo had been worsted. The consequence of this victory was likely to affect Toneoneo in a much deeper manner than by the mere loss of the objects in dispute; for the mother of Teavee, having married a second husband, who was a Chief of Atooi, and at the head of a powerful faction there, he

thought that the present opportunity was not to be neglected, of driving Toneoneo entirely out of the island, and of advancing his son-in-law to the government. I have already had occasion to mention, that the goats, which had increased to the number of six, and would, probably, in a few years, have stocked all these islands, were destroyed in the contest.

      On the 4th, the mother and sister of the young prince and his father-in-law, with many other Chiefs of that party, came on board the Resolution, and made several curious and valuable presents to Captain Clerke. Amongst the former, were some fish-hooks, which they assured us were made of the bones of our old friend Terreeoboo's father, who had been killed in an unsuccessful descent upon the island of Woahoo; and a fly flap, presented to him by the prince's sister, the handle of which was a human bone, that had been given her as a trophy by her father-in-law. Young Teavee was not of the company, being engaged, as we were told, in performing some religious ceremonies, in consequence of the victory he had obtained, which were to last: twenty days.

      This, and the two following days, were employed on shore, in completing the Discovery's water; and the carpenters were busy on board, in caulking the ships, and in making other preparations for our next cruise. The natives desisted from giving us any further disturbance; and we procured from them a plentiful supply of pork and vegetables.

      At this time, an Indian brought a piece of iron on board the Discovery to be fashioned into the shape of a pahooa. It was carefully examined both by the officers and men, and appeared to be the bolt of some large ship timbers.

They were not able to discover to what nation it belonged; but from the pale colour ^* of the iron, and its not corresponding in shape to our bolts, they concluded that it certainly was not English. This led them to make a strict inquiry of the native, when and where he got it; and if they comprehended him right, it had been taken out of a piece of timber, larger than the cable bit, to which he pointed. This piece of wood, they farther understood from him to have been driven upon their island, since we were here in January 1778.

      On the 7th, we were surprized with a visit from Toneoneo. When he heard the dowager princess was in the ship, it was with great difficulty we could prevail on him to come on board, not from any apprehension that he appeared to entertain of his safety, but from an unwillingness to see her. Their meeting was with sulky and lowering looks on both sides. He staid but a short time, and seemed much dejected; but we remarked, with some surprize, that the women, both at his coming and going away, prostrated themselves before him; and that he was treated by all the natives on board with the respect usually paid to those of his rank.. Indeed, it must appear somewhat extraordinary, that a person, who was at this time in a state of actual hostility with Teavee's party, and was even prepared for another battle, should trust himself almost alone within the power of his enemies. It is, therefore, to be observed, that the civil dissentions, which are very frequent throughout all the South Sea Islands, seem to be carried on without much acrimony or bloodshed; and that the deposed governor still continues to enjoy the rank of an Eree, and is left to make

use of such means as may arise for the regaining his lost consequence. But I shall have occasion to speak more particularly on this subject in the next chapter; in which the best account will be given, which we were able to collect, of the political state of those countries.

      On the 8th, at nine in the morning, we weighed, and sailed toward Oneeheow; and, at three in the afternoon, anchored in twenty fathoms water, nearly on the same spot as in the year 1778. We moored with the other anchor in twenty-six fathoms water. The high bluff, on the South end of the island, bore East South East; the North point of the road, North half East; and a bluff head to the South of it, North East by North. During the night, we had a strong gale from the Eastward; and, in the morning of the 9th, found the ship had driven a whole cable's length, and brought both anchors almost ahead. We shortened in the best bower cable; but the wind blowing too fresh to unmoor, we were obliged to remain this and the two following days, with the anchors still ahead.

      On the 12th, the weather being moderate, the master was sent to the North West side of the island, to look for a more convenient place for anchoring. He returned in the evening, having found, close round the West point of the road where we now lay, which is also the Westernmost point of the island, a fine bay, with good anchorage, in eighteen fathoms water, a clear sandy bottom, not a mile from the beach, on which the surf beats, but not so as to hinder landing. The direction of the points of the bay were North by East, and South by West; and, in that line, the soundings seven, eight, and nine fathoms. On the North side of the bay was a small village; and a quarter of a mile to

the Eastward were four small wells of good water; the road to them level, and fit for rolling casks. Mr. Bligh went afterward so far to the North as to satisfy himself, that Oreehoua was a separate island from Oneeheow; and that there was a passage between them; which, before, we only conjectured to exist.

      In the afternoon we hoisted in all the boats, and made ready for going to sea in the morning.

CHAP. VI.

General Account of the Sandwich Islands.—Their Number, Names, and Situation.—Owhyhee.—Its Extent, and Division into Districts.—Account of its Coasts, and the adjacent Country.—Volcanic Appearances.—Snowy Mountains.—Their Height determined.—Account of a Journey into the interior Parts of the Country.—Mowee.—Tahoorowa.—Morotoi.—Ranai.—Woahoo.— Atooi.—Oneehow.—Oreehoua.—Tahoora.—Climate.—Winds.—Currents.—Tides.—Animals and Vegetables.—Astronomical Observations.

      As we are now about to take our final leave of the Sand wich Islands, it will not be improper to introduce here some general account of their situation and natural history, and of the manners and customs of the inhabitants.

      This subject has indeed been, in some measure, preoccupied by persons far more capable of doing it justice, than I can pretend to be. Had Captain Cook and Mr. Anderson lived to avail themselves of the advantages which we enjoyed by a return to these islands, it cannot be questioned, that the Public would have derived much additional information from the skill and diligence of two such accurate observers. The reader will therefore lament with me our common misfortune, which hath deprived him of the labours of such superior abilities, and imposed on me the task of presenting him with the best supplementary account the various duties of my station permitted me to furnish.

      This group consists of eleven islands, extending in latitude from 18° 54′ to 22° 15′ North; and in longitude from 199° 36′ to 205° 06′ East. They are called by the natives; 1. Owhyhee. 2. Mowee. 3. Ranai, or Oranai. 4. Morotinnee, or Morokinnee. 5. Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa. 6. Morotoi, or Morokoi. 7. Woahoo, or Oahoo. 8. Atooi, Atowi, or Towi, and sometimes Kowi ^*. 9. Neeheehow, or Oneeheow. 10. Oreehoua, or Reehoua; and, 11. Tahoora; and are all inhabited, excepting Morotinnee and Tahoora. Besides the islands above enumerated, we were told by the Indians, that there is another called Modoopapapa ^†, or Komodoopapapa, lying to the West South West of Tahoora, which is low and sandy, and visited only for the purpose of catching turtle and sea-fowl; and, as I could never learn that they knew of any others, it is probable that none exist in their neighbourhood.

      They were named by Captain Cook the Sandwich Islands, in honour of the Earl Of Sandwich, under whose administration he had enriched geography with so many splendid and important discoveries; a tribute justly due to that noble person for the liberal support these voyages derived from his power, in whatever could extend their utility, or promote their success; for the zeal with which he seconded the views of that great navigator; and, if I may be allowed to add the voice of private gratitude, for the generous protection, which, since the death of their unfortunate commander, he has afforded all the officers that served under him.

      Owhyhee, the Easternmost, and by much the largest, of these islands, is of a triangular shape, and nearly equilate-

ral. The angular points make the North, East, and South extremities, of which the Northern is in latitude 20° 17′ North, longitude 204° 02′ East: the Eastern in latitude 19° 34′ North, longitude 205° 06′ East: and the Southern extremity in latitude 18° 54′ North, longitude 204° 15′ East. Its greatest length, which lies in a direction nearly North and South, is 28 ½ leagues; its breadth is 24 leagues; and it is about 255 geographical, or 293 English miles, in circumference. The whole island is divided into six large districts; Amakooa and Aheedoo, which lie on the North East side; Apoona and Kaoo on the South East; Akona and Koaarra on the West.

      The districts of Amakooa and Aheedoo are separated by a mountain called Mouna Kaah (or the mountain Kaah), which rises in three peaks, perpetually covered with snow, and may be clearly seen at 40 leagues distance.

      To the North of this mountain the coast consists of high and abrupt cliffs, down which fall many beautiful cascades of water. We were once flattered with the hopes of meeting with a harbour round a bluff head, in latitude 20° 10′ North, and longitude 204° 26′ East: but, on doubling the point, and standing close in, we found it connected by a low valley, with another high head to the North West. The country rises inland with a gentle ascent, is intersected by deep narrow glens, or rather chasms, and appeared to be well cultivated and sprinkled over with a number of villages. The snowy mountain is very steep, and the lower part of it covered with wood.

      The coast of Aheedoo, which lies to the South of Mouna Kaah, is of a moderate height, and the interior parts appear more even than the country to the North West, and less broken by ravines. Off these two districts we cruized for al-

most a month; and, whenever our distance from shore would permit it, were sure of being surrounded by canoes laden with all kinds of refreshments. We had frequently a very heavy sea, and great swell on this side of the island, and as we had no soundings, and could observe much foul ground off the shore, we never approached nearer the land than two or three leagues, excepting on the occasion already mentioned.

      The coast to the North East of Apoona, which forms the Eastern extremity of the island, is low and flat; the acclivity of the inland parts is very gradual, and the whole country covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees. This, as far as we could judge, is the finest part of the island, and we were afterward told that the king had a place of residence here. At the South West extremity the hills rise abruptly from the sea-side, leaving but a narrow border of low ground toward the beach. We were pretty near the shore at this part of the island, and found the sides of the hills covered with a fine verdure; but the country seemed to be very thinly inhabited. On doubling the East point of the island, we came in fight of another snowy mountain, called Mouna Roa (or the extensive mountain), which continued to be a very conspicuous object all the while we were sailing along the South East side. It is flat at the top, making what is called by mariners table-land: the summit was constantly buried in snow, and we once saw its sides also slightly covered for a considerable way down; but the greatest part of this disappeared again in a few days.

      According to the tropical line of snow, as determined by Mr. Condamine, from observations taken on the Cordilleras, this mountain must be at least 16,020 feet high, which ex-

ceeds the height of the Pico de Teyde, or Peak of Teneriffe, by 724 feet, according to Dr. Heberden's computation, or 3680, according to that of the Chevalier de Borda. The peaks of MounaKaah appeared to be about half a mile high; and as they are entirely covered with snow, the altitude of their summits cannot be less than 18,400 feet. But it is probable that both these mountains may be considerably higher. For, in insular situations, the effects of the warm sea air must necessarily remove the line of snow, in equal latitudes, to a greater height than where the atmosphere is chilled on all sides by an immense tract of perpetual snow.

      The coast of Kaoo presents a prospect of the most horrid and dreary kind: the whole country appearing to have undergone a total change from the effects of some dreadful convulsion. The ground is every where covered with cinders, and intersected in many places with black streaks, which seem to mark the course of a lava that has flowed not many ages back, from the mountain Roa to the shore. The Southern promontory looks like the mere dregs of a volcano. The projecting head-land is composed of broken and craggy rocks, piled irregularly on one another, and terminating in sharp points.

      Notwith standing the dismal aspect of this part of the island, there are many villages scattered over it, and it certainly is much more populous than the verdant mountains of Apoona. Nor is this circumstance hard to be accounted for. As these islanders have no cattle, they have consequently no use for pasturage, and therefore naturally prefer such ground, as either lies, more convenient for fishing, or is best suited to the cultivation of yams and plantains. Now amidst these ruins, there are many patches of rich soil, which are care-

fully laid out in plantations, and the neighbouring sea abounds with a variety of most excellent fish, with which, as well as with other provisions, we were always plentifully supplied. Off this part of the coast we could find no ground, at less than a cable's length from the shore, with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line, excepting in a small bight to the Eastward of the South point, where we had regular soundings of fifty and fifty-eight fathoms over a bottom of fine sand. Before we proceed to the western districts, it may be necessary to remark, that the whole coast side of the island, from the Northern to the Southern extremity, does not afford the smallest harbour or shelter for shipping.

      The South West parts of Akona are in the same state with the adjoining district of Kaoo; but farther to the North, the country has been cultivated with great pains, and is extremely populous.

      In this part of the island is situated Karakakooa Bay, which has been already described. Along the coast nothing is seen but large masses of flag, and the fragments of black scorched rocks; behind which, the ground rises gradually for about two miles and a half, and appears to have been formerly covered with loose burnt stones. These the natives have taken the pains of clearing away, frequently to the depth of three feet and upward; which labour, great as it is, the fertility of the soil amply repays. Here, in a rich ashy mould, they cultivate sweet potatoes, and the clothplant. The fields are inclosed with stone-fences, and are interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut trees. On the rising ground beyond these, the bread-fruit trees are planted, and flourish with the greatest luxuriance.

      Koaara extends from the Westernmost point to the Northern extremity of the island; the whole coast between them forming an extensive bay, called Toe-yah-yah, which is bounded to the North by two very conspicuous hills. Toward the bottom of this bay there is foul, corally ground, extending upward of a mile from the shore, without which the soundings are regular, with good anchorage, in twenty fathoms. The country, as far as the eye could reach, seemed fruitful and well inhabited, the soil being in appearance of the same kind with the district of Kaoo; but no fresh water is to be got here.

      I have hitherto confined myself to the coasts of this island, and the adjacent country, which is all that I had an opportunity of being acquainted with from my own observation. The only account I can give of the interior parts, is from the information I obtained from a party, who set out, on the afternoon of the 26th of January, on an expedition up the country, with an intention of penetrating as far as they could; and, principally of reaching, if possible, the snowy mountains.

      Having procured two natives to serve them as guides, they left the village about four o'clock in the afternoon, directing their course a little to the Southward of the East. To the distance of three or four miles from the bay, they found the country as before described; the hills afterward rose with a more sudden ascent, which brought them to the extensive plantations, that terminate the view of the country, as seen from the ships.

      These plantations consist of the ^* tarrow or eddy root, and the sweet potatoe, with plants of the cloth-tree, neatly

set out in rows. The walls that separate them are made of the loose burnt stones, which are got in clearing the ground; and, being entirely concealed by sugar-canes, planted close on each side, make the most beautiful fences that can be conceived. The party stopped for the night at the second hut they found amongst the plantations, where they judged themselves to be about six or seven miles from the ships. They described the prospect from this spot as very delightful; they saw the ships in the bay before them; to the left, a continued range of villages, interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut trees, spreading along the sea-shore; a thick wood stretching out of sight behind them; and to the right, an extent of ground laid out in regular and well cultivated plantations, as far as the eye could reach.

      Near this spot, at a distance from any other dwelling, the natives pointed out to them the residence of an hermit, who, they said, had formerly been a great Chief and warrior, but had long ago quitted the shores of the island, and now never stirred from his cottage. They prostrated themselves as they approached him, and afterward presented to him a part of such provisions as they had brought with them. His behaviour was easy and cheerful; he scarce shewed any marks of astonishment at the sight of our people, and though pressed to accept some of our curiosities, he

declined the offer, and soon withdrew to his cottage. He was described as by far the oldest person any of the party had ever seen, and judged to be, by those who computed his age at the lowest, upward of 1oo years old.

      As our people had imagined the mountain not to be more than ten or twelve miles from the bay, and consequently, that they should reach it with ease early the next morning, an error into which its great height had probably led them, they were now much surprised to find the distance scarce perceptibly diminished. This circumstance, together with the uninhabited state of the country they were going to enter, made it necessary to procure a supply of provisions; and for that purpose they dispatched one of their guides back to the village. Whilst they were waiting his return, they were joined by some of Kaoo's servants, whom that benevolent old man had sent after them, as soon as he heard of their journey, laden with refreshments, and authorized, as their route lay through his grounds, to demand and take away whatever they might have occasion for.

      Our travellers were much astonished to find the cold here so intense; but having no thermometer with them, could judge of it only by their feelings; which, from the warm atmosphere they had left, must have been a very fallacious measure. They found it, however, so cold, that they could get but little sleep, and the natives none at all; both parties being disturbed, the whole night, by continued coughing. As they could not, at this time, be at any very considerable height, the distance from the sea being only six or seven miles, and part of the road on a very moderate ascent, this extraordinary degree of cold must be ascribed to the easterly wind blowing fresh over the snowy mountains.

      Early on the 27th, they set out again, and filled their calibashes at an excellent well about half a mile from their hut. Having passed the plantations, they came to a thick wood, which they entered by a path made for the convenience of the natives, who go thither to fetch the wild or horse-plantain, and to catch birds. Their progress now became very slow, and attended with much labour; the ground being either swampy, or covered with large stones; the path narrow, and frequently interrupted by trees lying across it, which it was necessary to climb over, the thickness of the under-wood, on both sides, making it impossible to pass round them. In these woods they observed, at small distances, pieces of white cloth fixed on poles, which they supposed to be land-marks for the division of property, as they only met with them where the wild plantains grew. The trees, which are of the same kind with those we called the spice-tree at New Holland, were lofty and straight, and from two to four feet in circumference.

      After they had advanced about ten miles in the wood, they had the mortification to find themselves, on a sudden, within sight of the sea, and at no great distance from it; the path having turned imperceptibly to the Southward, and carried them to the right of the mountain, which it was their object to reach. Their disappointment was greatly increased by the uncertainty they were now under of its true bearings, since they could not, at this time, get a view of it from the top of the highest trees. They, therefore, found themselves obliged to walk back six or seven miles to an unoccupied hut, where they had left three of the natives, and two of their own people, with the small stock that remained of their provisions. Here they spent the second night; and the air was so very sharp, and so little to the

liking of their guides, that, by the morning, they had all taken themselves off, except one.

      The want of provisions now making it necessary to return to some of the cultivated parts of the island, they quitted the wood by the same path they had entered it; and, on their arrival at the plantations, were surrounded by the natives, of whom they purchased a fresh stock of necessaries; and prevailed upon two of them to supply the place of the guides that were gone away. Having obtained the best information in their power, with regard to the direction of their road, the party being now nine in number, marched along the skirts of the wood for six or seven miles, and then entered it again by a path that bore to the Eastward. For the first three miles, they passed through a forest of lofty spice-trees, growing on a strong rich loam; at the back of which they found an equal extent of low shrubby trees, with much thick underwood, on a bottom of loose burnt stones. This led them to a second forest of spice-trees, and the same rich brown soil, which was again succeeded by a barren ridge of the same nature with the former. This alternate succession may, perhaps, afford matter of curious speculation to naturalists. The only additional circumstance I could learn relating to it was, that these ridges appeared, as far as they could be seen, to run in directions parallel to the seashore, and to have Mouna Roa for their centre.

      In passing through the woods, they found many canoes half-finished; and, here and there, a hut; but saw none of the inhabitants. Having penetrated near three miles into the second wood, they came to two huts, where they stopped, exceedingly fatigued with the day's journey, having walked not less than twenty miles, according to their own computation. As they had met with no springs, from the time

they left the plantation-ground, and began to suffer much from the violence of their thirst, they were obliged, before the night came on, to separate into parties, and go in search of water; and, at last, found some, left by rain in the bottom of an unfinished canoe; which, though of the colour of red wine, was to them no unwelcome discovery. In the night, the cold was still more intense than they had found it before; and though they had wrapped themselves up in mats and cloths of the country, and kept a large fire between the two huts, they could yet sleep but very little; and were obliged to walk about the greatest part of the night. Their elevation was now probably pretty considerable, as the ground on which they had travelled had beca generally on the ascent.

      On the 29th, at day-break, they set out, intending to make their last and utmost effort to reach the snowy mountain; but their spirits were much depressed, when they found they had expended the miserable pittance of water they had found the night before. The path, which extended no farther than where canoes had been built, was now at an end; and they were therefore obliged to make their way as well as they could; every now and then climbing up into the highest trees, to explore the country round. At eleven o'clock, they came to a ridge of burnt stones, from the top of which they saw the snowy mountain, appearing to be about twelve or fourteen miles from them.

      It was here deliberated, whether they should proceed any further, or rest satisfied with the view they now had of Mouna Roa. The road, ever since the path ceased, had become exceedingly fatiguing; and, every moment they advanced, was growing still more so. The deep chinks, with which the ground was every where broken, being slightly

covered with moss, made them stumble at almost every step; and the intermediate space was a surface of loose burnt stones, which broke under their feet like potsherds. They threw stones into several of these chinks; which, by the noise they made, seemed to fall to a considerable depth, and the ground sounded hollow under their feet. Besides these discouraging circumstances, they found their guides so averse to going on, that they believed, whatever their own determinations might have been, they could not have prevailed on them to remain out another night. They, therefore, at last agreed to return to the ships, after taking a view of the country, from the highest trees which the place afforded. From this elevation they saw themselves surrounded, on all sides, with wood toward the sea; they could not distinguish, in the horizon, the sky from the water; and between them and the snowy mountain, was a valley about seven or eight miles broad, above which the mountain appeared only as a hill of a moderate size.

      They rested this night at a hut in the second wood, and on the 30th, before noon, they had got clear of the first, and found themselves about nine miles to the North East of the ships, toward which they directed their march through the plantations. As they passed along, they did not observe a single spot of ground, that was capable of improvement, left unplanted; and, indeed, it appeared, from their account, hardly possible for the country to be cultivated to greater advantage for the purposes of the inhabitants, or made to yield them a larger supply of necessaries for their subsistence. They were surprized to meet with several fields of hay; and on inquiring to what uses it was applied, were told, it was designed to cover the young tarrow grounds, in

order to preserve them from being scorched by the sun. They saw a few scattered huts amongst the plantations, which served for occasional shelter to the labourers; but no villages at a greater distance than four or five miles from the sea. Near one of them, about four miles from the bay, they found a cave, forty fathoms long, three broad, and of the same height. It was open at both ends; the sides were fluted, as if wrought with a chissel, and the surface glazed over, probably by the action of fire.

      Having given this account of the most material circumstances that occurred on the expedition to the snowy mountain, I shall now return to the other islands that remain to be described.

      The island next in size, and nearest in situation, to Owhyhee, is MOWEE; which lies at the distance of eight leagues North North West from the former, and is 140 geographical miles in circumference. A low isthmus divides it into two circular peninsulas, of which that to the East is called Whamadooa, and is double the size of the Western peninsula called Owhyrookoo. The mountains in both rise to an exceeding great height, having been seen by us at the distance of upward of thirty leagues. The Northern shores, like those of Owhyhee, afford no soundings; and the country presents the same appearance of verdure and fertility. To the South East, between this and the adjacent isles, we had regular depths with a hundred and fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom. From the West point, which is low, runs a shoal, stretching out toward Ranai, to a considerable distance; and to the Southward of this, is a fine spacious bay, with a sandy beach, shaded with cocoa-nut trees. It is probable that good anchorage might be found here, with shel-

ter from the prevailing winds, and that the beach affords a convenient place for landing. The country behind presents a most romantic appearance. The hills rise almost perpendicularly, in a great variety of peaked forms; and their steep sides, and the deep chasms between them, are covered with trees, amongst which those of the bread-fruit were observed particularly to abound. The tops of these hills are entirely bare, and of a reddish brown colour. We were informed by the natives, that there is an harbour to the Southward of the East point, which they affirmed to be superiour to that of Karakakooa; and we were also told, that, on the North West side, there was another harbour, called Keepoo-keepoo.

      Tahoorowa is a small island lying off the South West part of Mowee, from which it is distant three leagues. This island is destitute of wood, and the soil seems to be sandy and barren. Between Tahowrowa and Mowee lies the small uninhabited island Morrotinnee.

      Morotoi is only two leagues and a half from Mowee to the West North West. The South Western coast, which was the only part near which we approached, is very low; but the land rises backward to a considerable height; and, at the distance from which we saw it, appeared to be entirely without wood. Its produce, we were told, consists chiefly of yams. It may, probably, have fresh water, and, on the South and West sides, the coast forms several bays, that promise good shelter from the trade winds.

      Ranai is about three leagues distant from Mowee and Morotoi, and lies to the South West of the passage between these islands. The country, to the South, is high and craggy; but the other parts of the island had a better as-

pect, and appeared to be well inhabited. We were told that it produces very few plantains, and bread-fruit trees; but that it abounds in roots, such as yams, sweet potatoes, and tarrow.

      Woahoo lies to the North West of Morotoi, at the distance of about seven leagues. As far as we could judge, from the appearance of the North East and North West parts (for we saw nothing of the Southern side), it is by far the finest island of the whole group. Nothing can exceed the verdure of the hills, the variety of wood and lawn, and rich cultivated vallies, which the whole face of the country displayed. Having already given a description of the bay, formed by the North and West extremities, in which we came to anchor, I have only to observe, that in the bight of the bay, to the South of the anchoring-place, we found rocky foul ground, two miles from the shore. Should the ground tackling of a ship be weak, and the wind blow strong from the North, to which quarter the road is entirely open, this circumstance might be attended with some danger; but with good cables there would be little risk, as the ground from the anchoring-place, which is opposite to the valley through which the river runs, to the North point, is a fine sand.

      Atooi lies to the North West of Woahoo, and is distant from it about twenty-five leagues. The face of the country, to the North East and North West, is broken and ragged; but to the South it is more even; the hills rise with a gentle slope from the sea-side, and, at some distance back, are covered with wood. Its productions are the same with those of the other islands; but the inhabitants far surpass all the neighbouring islanders in the management of their plant-

ations. In the low grounds, adjoining to the bay where we lay at anchor, these plantations were divided by deep and regular ditches; the fences were made with a neatness approaching to elegance, and the roads through them were thrown up and finished, in a manner that would have done credit to any European engineer.

      Oneeheow lies five leagues to the Westward of Attooi. The Eastern coast is high, and rises abruptly from the sea, but the rest of the island consists of low ground; excepting a round bluff head on the South East point. It produces abundance of yams, and of the sweet root called Tee; but we got from it no other fort of provisions.

      Oreehoua, and Tahoora, are two small islands in the neighbourhood of Oneeheow. The former is a single high hummock, joined by a reef of coral rocks to the Northern extremity of Oneeheow. The latter lies to the South East, and is uninhabited.

      The climate of the Sandwich Islands differs very little from that of the West India Islands, which lie in the same latitude. Upon the whole, perhaps, it may be rather more temperate. The thermometer, on shore in Karakakooa Bay, never rose higher than 88°, and that but one day; its mean height, at noon, was 83°. In Wymoa Bay, its mean height at noon was 76°, and when out at sea, 75°. The mean height of the thermometer at noon, in Jamaica, is about 86°, at sea 8o°.

      Whether they be subject to the same violent winds and hurricanes, we could not discover, as we were not there in any of the stormy months. However, as the natives gave us no positive testimony of the fact, and no traces of their effects were any where visible, it is probable that, in this

respect, they resemble the Society and Friendly Islands, which are, in a great measure, free from these dreadful visitations.

      During the four winter months that we remained amongst these islands, there was more rain, especially in the interior parts, than usually falls during the dry season in the islands of the West Indies. We generally saw clouds collecting round the tops of the hills, and producing rain to leeward; but after they are separated from the land by the wind, they disperse, and are lost, and others succeed in their place. This happened daily at Owhyhee: the mountainous parts being generally enveloped in a cloud; successive showers falling in the inland country; with fine weather, and a clear sky at the sea-shore.

      The winds in general were, from East South East to North East; though this sometimes varied a few points each way to the North and South; but these were light, and of short duration. In the harbour of Karakakooa, we had a constant land and sea-breeze every day and night.

      The currents seemed very uncertain; sometimes setting to windward; and, at other times, to leeward, without any regularity. They did not appear to be governed by the winds, nor any other cause that I can assign: they frequently set to windward against a fresh breeze.

      The tides are very regular, flowing and ebbing six hours each. The flood comes from the Eastward; and it is high water at the full and change of the moon, forty-five minutes past three, apparent time. Their greatest rise is two feet seven inches; and we always observed the water to be four inches higher when the moon was above the horizon, than when it was below.

      The quadrupeds in these, as in all the other islands that have been discovered in the South sea, are confined to three forts, dogs, hogs, and rats. The dogs are of the same species with those of Otaheite, having short crooked legs, long backs, and pricked ears. I did not observe any variety in them, except in their skins; some having long and rough hair, and others being quite smooth. They are about the size of a common turnspit; exceedingly sluggish in their nature; though perhaps this may be more owing to the manner in which they are treated, than to any natural disposition in them. They are, in general, fed, and left to herd, with the hogs; and I do not recollect one instance in which a dog was made a companion in the manner we do in Europe. Indeed, the custom of eating them is an insuperable bar to their admission into society, and as there are neither beasts of prey in the island, nor objects of chace, it is probable, that the social qualities of the dog, its fidelity, attachment, and sagacity, will remain unknown to the natives.

      The number of dogs in these islands did not appear to be nearly equal, in proportion, to those in Otaheite. But on the other hand, they abound much more in hogs; and the breed is of a larger and weightier kind. The supply of provisions of this kind, which we got from them, was really astonishing. We were near four months, either cruising off the coast, or in harbour at Owhyhee. During all this time, a large allowance of fresh pork was constantly served to both crews: so that our consumption was computed at about sixty puncheons of five hundred weight each. Besides this, and the incredible waste which, in the midst of such plenty, was not to be guarded against, sixty puncheons more were salted for sea store. The greatest part of this supply was

drawn from the island of Owhyhee alone, and yet we could not perceive that it was at all drained, or even that the abundance had any way decreased.

      The birds of these islands are as beautiful as any we have seen during the voyage, and are numerous, though not various. There are four, which seem to belong to the trochili, or honey-suckers of Linnæus; one of which is something larger than a bullfinch; its colour is a fine glossy black, the rump-vent and thighs a deep yellow. It is called by the natives hoohoo. Another is of an exceeding bright scarlet colour; the wings black, and edged with white; and the tail black; its native name is eeeeve. A third, which seems to be either a young bird, or a variety of the foregoing, is variegated with red, brown, and yellow. The fourth is entirely green, with a tinge of yellow, and is called akaiearooa. There is a species of thrush, with a grey breast; and a small bird of the flycatcher kind; a rail, with very short wings and no tail, which, on that account, we named rallus ecaudotus. Ravens are found here, but they are very scarce; their colour is dark brown, inclining to black; and their note is different from the European. Here are two small birds, both of one genus, that are very common; one is red, and generally seen about the cocoa-nut trees, particularly when they are in flower, from whence it seems to derive great part of its subsistence; the other is green; the tongues of both are long and ciliated, or fringed at the tip. A bird with a yellow head, which, from the structure of its beak, we called a parroquet, is likewise very common. It, however, by no means belongs to that tribe, but greatly resembles the lexia flavicans, or yellowish cross-bill of Linnæus.

      Here are also owls, plovers of two sorts, one very like the whistling plover of Europe; a large white pigeon; a bird with a long tail, whose colour is black, the vent and feathers under the wing (which is much longer than is usually seen in the generality of birds, except the birds of paradise) are yellow; and the common water or darker hen.

      Their vegetable productions are nearly the same with the rest of the South-sea islands. I have before mentioned, that the tarrow root is much superiour to any we had before tasted, and that we attributed this excellence to the dry method of cultivating it. The bread-fruit trees thrive here, not in such abundance, but produce double the quantity of fruit they do on the rich plains of Otaheite. The trees are nearly of the same height, but the branches begin to strike out from the trunk much lower, and with greater luxuriance. Their sugar-canes are also of a very unusual size. One of them was brought to us at Atooi, measuring eleven inches and a quarter in circumference; and having fourteen feet eatable.

      At Oneeheow they brought us several large roots of a brown colour, shaped like a yam, and from six to ten pounds in weight. The juice, which it yields in great abundance, is very sweet, and of a pleasant taste, and was found to be an excellent substitute for sugar. The natives are very fond of it, and use it as an article of their common diet; and our people also found it very palatable and wholesome. We could not learn to what species of plant it belonged, having never been able to procure the leaves; but it was supposed, by our botanifts, to be the root of some kind of fern.

Agreeably to the practice of Captain Cook, I shall subjoin an abstract of the astronomical observations which were made at the observatory in Karakakooa Bay, for determining its latitude and longitude, and for finding the rate and error of the time-keeper. To these are subjoined the mean variation of the compass, the dip of the magnetic needle, and a table of the latitude and longitude of the Sandwich Islands.

CHAP. VII.

General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.—Of the Inhabitants.—Their Origin.—Persons.—Pernicious Effets of the Ava.—Numbers.—Disposition and Manners.—Reasons for supposing them not Cannibals.—Dress and Ornaments.—Villages and Houses.—Food.—Occupations and Amusements.—Addicted to Gaming.—Their extraordinary Dexterity in Swimming.—Arts and Manufactures.—Curious Specimens of their Sculpture.—Kipparee, or Method of painting Cloth.— Mats.—Fishing Hooks.—Cordage.—Salt Pans.—Warlike Instruments.

The inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands are undoubtedly of the same race with those of New Zealand, the Society and Friendly Islands, Easter Island, and the Marquesas; a race that possesses, without any intermixture, all the known lands between the latitudes of 47° South, and 20° North, and between the longitudes of 184° and 260° East. This fact, which, extraordinary as it is, might be thought sufficiently proved by the striking similarity of their manners and customs, and the general resemblance of their persons, is established, beyond all controversy, by the absolute identity of their language.

      From what continent they originally emigrated, and by what steps they have spread through so vast a space, those who are curious in disquisitions of this nature, may per-

haps not find it very difficult to conjecture. It has been already observed, that they bear strong marks of affinity to some of the Indian tribes, that inhabit the Ladrones and Caroline Islands; and the same affinity may again be traced amongst the Battas and the Malays. When these events happened, is not so easy to ascertain; it was probably not very lately, as they are extremely populous, and have no tradition of their own origin, but what is perfectly fabulous; whilst, on the other hand, the unadulterated state of their general language, and the simplicity which still prevails in their customs and manners, seem to indicate, that it could not have been at any very distant period.

      The natives of these islands are, in general, above the middle size, and well made; they walk very gracefully, run nimbly, and are capable of bearing great fatigue; though, upon the whole, the men are somewhat inferior, in point of strength and activity, to the Friendly islanders, and the women less delicately limbed than those of Otaheite. Their complexion is rather darker than that of the Otaheiteans, and they are not altogether so handsome a people ^*. However, many of both sexes had fine open countenances; and the women, in particular, had good eyes and teeth, and a sweetness and sensibility of look, which rendered them very engaging. Their hair is of a brownish black, and neither uniformly straight, like that of the Indians of America, nor uniformly curling, as amongst the African negroes, but varying, in this respect, like the hair of Europeans. One striking peculiarity, in the features of every part of this great nation, I do not remember to have seen any

where mentioned; which is, that, even in the handsomest faces, there is always a fulness of the nostril, without any flatness or spreading of the nose, that distinguishes them from Europeans. It is not improbable that this may be the effect of their usual mode of salutation, which is performed by pressing the ends of their noses together.

      The same superiority that is observable in the persons of the Erees, through all the other islands, is found also here. Those whom we saw were, without exception, perfectly well formed; whereas the lower sort, besides their general inferiority, are subject to all the variety of make and figure that is seen in the populace of other countries, Instances of deformity are more frequent here, than in any of the other islands. Whilst we were cruising off Owhyhee, two dwarfs came on board, one an old man, four feet two inches high, but exactly proportioned, and the other a woman, nearly of the same height. We afterward saw three natives, who were hump-backed, and a young man, born without hands or feet. Squinting is also very common amongst them; and a man, who, they said, had been born blind, was brought to us to be cured. Besides these particular imperfections, they are, in general, very subject to boils and ulcers, which we attributed to the great quantity of salt they eat with their flesh and fish. The Erees are very free from these complaints; but many of them suffer still more dreadful effects from the immoderate use of the ava. Those who were the most affected by it, had their bodies covered with a white scurf, their eyes red and inflamed, their limbs emaciated, the whole frame trembling and paralytic, accompanied with a disability to raise the head. Though this drug does not appear universally to shorten life, as was

evident from the cases of Terreeoboo, Kaoo, and some other Chiefs, who were very old men; yet it invariably brings on an early and decrepid old age. It is fortunate, that the use of it is made one of the peculiar privileges of the Chiefs. The young son of Terreeoboo, who was about twelve years old, used to boast of his being admitted to drink ava, and shewed us, with great triumph, a small spot in his side that was growing scaly.

      There is something very singular in the history of this pernicious drug. When Captain Cook first visited the Society Islands, it was very little known among them. On his second voyage, he found the use of it very prevalent at Ulietea; but it had still gained very little ground at Otaheite. When we were last there, the dreadful havock it had made was beyond belief, insomuch that the Captain scarce knew many of his old acquaintances. At the Friendly Islands, it is also constantly drunk by the Chiefs, but so much diluted with water, that it does not appear to produce any bad effects. At Atooi, also, it is used with great moderation, and the Chiefs are, in consequence, a much finer set of men there, than in any of the neighbouring islands. We remarked, that, by discontinuing the use of this root, the noxious effects of it soon wore off. Our good friends, Kaireekeea and old Kaoo, were persuaded by us to refrain from it; and they recovered amazingly during the short time we afterward remained in the island.

      It may be thought extremely difficult to form any probable conjectures respecting the population of islands, with many parts of which we are but imperfectly ac-

quainted. There are, however, two circumstances, that take away much of this objection; the first is, that the interior parts of the country are entirely uninhabited; so that, if the number of the inhabitants along the coast be known, the whole will be pretty accurately determined. The other is, that there are no towns of any considerable size, the habitations of the natives being pretty equally dispersed in small villages round all their coasts. It is on this ground that I shall venture at a rough calculation of the number of persons in this group of islands.

      The bay of Karakakooa, in Owhyhee, is three miles in extent, and contains four villages of about eighty houses each; upon an average, in all three hundred and twenty; besides a number of straggling houses; which may make the whole amount to three hundred and fifty. From the frequent opportunities I had of informing myself on this head, I am convinced, that six persons to a house is a very moderate allowance; so that, on this calculation, the country about the bay contains two thousand one hundred souls. To these may be added fifty families, or three hundred persons, which I conceive to be nearly the number employed in the interior parts of the country amongst their plantations; making in all two thousand four hundred. If, therefore, this number be applied to the whole extent of coast round the island, deducting a quarter for the uninhabited parts, it will be found to contain one hundred and fifty thousand. By the same mode of calculation, the rest of the islands will be found to contain the following numbers:

      I am pretty confident, that, in this calculation, I have not exceeded the truth in the total amount. If we compare the numbers supposed to be in Owhyhee, with the population of Otaheite, as settled by Dr. Forster, this computation will be found very low. The proportion of coast, in the latter island, is, to that of Owhyhee, only as one to three: the number of inhabitants in Otaheite he states to be one hundred and twenty-one thousand five hundred; though, according to his own principles, it should be double that amount. Again, if we compare it with the medium population of the countries in Europe, the proportion will be in favour of the latter nearly as two to one.

      Notwithstanding the irreparable loss we suffered from the sudden resentment and violence of these people, yet, in justice to their general conduct, it must be acknowledged, that they are of the most mild and affectionate disposition; equally remote from the extreme levity and fickleness of the Otaheiteans, and the distant gravity and reserve of the inhabitants of the Friendly Islands. They appear to live in the utmost harmony and friendship with one another. The women, who had children, were remarkable for their tender and constant attention to them; and the men would often

lend their assistance in those domestic offices, with a willingness that does credit to their feelings.

      It must, however, be observed, that they fall very short of the other islanders, in that best test of civilization, the respect paid to the women. Here they are not only deprived of the privilege of eating with the men, but the best sorts of food are tabooed, or forbidden them. They are not allowed to eat pork, turtle, several kinds of fish, and some species of the plantains; and we were told that a poor girl got a terrible beating, for having eaten, on board our ship, one of these interdicted articles. In their domestic life, they appear to live almost entirely by themselves, and though we did not observe any instances of personal ill-treatment, yet it was evident they had little regard or attention paid them.

      The great hospitality and kindness, with which we were received by them, have been already frequently remarked; and indeed they make the principal part of our transactions with them. Whenever we came on shore, there was a constant struggle who should be most forward in making us little presents, bringing refreshments, or shewing some other mark of their respect. The old people never failed of receiving us with tears of joy; seemed highly gratified with being allowed to touch us, and were constantly making comparisons between themselves and us, with the strongest marks of humility. The young women were not less kind and engaging, and, till they found, notwithstanding our utmost endeavours to prevent it, that they had reason to repent of our acquaintance, attached themselves to us without the least reserve.

      In justice, however, to the sex, it must be observed, that these ladies were probably all of the lower class of the

people; for I am strongly inclined to believe, that, excepting the few, whose names are mentioned in the course of our narrative, we did not see any woman of rank during our stay amongst them.

      Their natural capacity seems, in no respect, below the common standard of mankind. Their improvements in agriculture, and the perfection of their manufactures, are certainly adequate to the circumstances of their situation, and the natural advantages they enjoy. The eager curiosity, with which they attended the armourer's forge, and the many expedients they had invented, even before we left the islands, for working the iron they had procured from us, into such forms as were best adapted to their purposes, were strong proofs of docility and ingenuity.

      Our unfortunate friend, Kaneena, possessed a degree of judicious curiosity, and a quickness of conception, which was rarely met with amongst these people. He was very inquisitive after our customs and manners; asked after our King; the nature of our government; our numbers; the method of building our ships; our houses; the produce of our country; whether we had wars; with whom; and on what occasions; and in what manner they were carried on; who was our God; and many other questions of the same nature, which indicated an understanding of great comprehension.

      We met with two instances of persons disordered in their minds, the one a man at Owhyhee, the other a woman at Oneeheow. It appeared, from the particular attention and respect paid to them, that the opinion of their being inspired by the Divinity, which obtains among most of the nations of the East, is also received here.

      Though the custom, of eating the bodies of their enemies, be not known, by positive evidence, to exist in any of the South Sea Islands, except New Zealand, yet it is extremely probable, that it was originally prevalent in them all. The sacrificing human victims, which seems evidently to be a relick of this horrid practice, still obtains universally amongst these islanders; and it is easy to conceive, why the New Zealanders should retain the repast, which was probably the last act of these shocking rites, longer than the rest of their tribe, who were situated in more mild and fruitful climates. As the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands certainly bear a nearer resemblance to those of New Zealand, both in their persons and disposition, than to any other people of this family, so it was strongly suspected, by Mr. Anderson, that, like them, they still continue to feast on human flesh. The evidence, on which he founds this opinion, has been stated very fully in the tenth chapter of the third book ^*; but, as I always entertained great doubts of the justice of his conclusions, it may not be improper to take this occasion of mentioning the grounds on which I venture to differ from him. With respect to the information derived from the natives themselves, I shall only observe, that great pains were taken, by almost every officer on board, to come at the knowledge of so curious a circumstance; and that, except in the two instances mentioned by Mr. Anderson, we found them invariably denying the existence of any such custom amongst them. It must be allowed, that Mr. Anderson's knowledge of their language, which was superior to that of any other person in either ship, ought certainly to give his opinion great weight; at the same time, I must beg leave to

remark, that, being present when he examined the man who had the small piece of salted flesh wrapped in cloth, it struck me very forcibly, that the signs he made use of meant nothing more, than that it was intended to be eat, and that it was very pleasant or wholesome to the stomach. In this opinion I was confirmed, by a circumstance which came to our knowledge, after the death of my worthy and ingenious friend, viz. that almost every native of these islands carried about with him, either in his calibash, or wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and tied about his waist, a small piece of raw pork, highly salted, which they considered as a great delicacy, and used now and then to taste of. With respect to the confusion the young lad was in (for he was not more than sixteen or eighteen years of age), no one could have been surprized at it, who had seen the eager and earnest manner in which Mr. Anderson questioned him.

      The argument drawn from the instrument made with shark's teeth, and which is nearly of the same form with those used at New Zealand for cutting up the bodies of their enemies, is much more difficult to controvert. I believe it to be an undoubted fact, that this knife, if it may be so called, is never used by them in cutting the flesh of other animals. However, as the custom of offering human sacrifices, and of burning the bodies of the slain, is still prevalent here, it is not improbable, that the use of this instrument is retained in those ceremonies. Upon the whole, I am strongly inclined to think, and particularly from this last circumstance, that the horrid practice, in question, has but lately ceased amongst these and other islands of the South Sea. Omai, when pressed on this subject, confessed, that, in the rage and fury of revenge, they would sometimes tear the flesh of their enemies, that were slain, with their teeth;

but positively denied that they ever eat it. This was certainly approaching as near the fact as could be; but, on the other hand, the denial is a strong proof that the practice has actually ceased; since in New Zealand, where it still exists, the inhabitants never made the smallest scruple of confessing it.

      The inhabitants of these islands differ from those of the Friendly Isles, in suffering, almost universally, their beards to grow. There were, indeed, a few, amongst whom was the old king, that cut it off entirely; and others that wore it only upon the upper lip. The same variety, in the manner of wearing the hair, is also observable here, as among the other islanders of the South Sea; besides which, they have a fashion, as far as we know, peculiar to themselves. They cut it close on each side the head, down to the ears, leaving a ridge, of about a small hand's breadth, running from the forehead to the neck; which, when the hair is thick and curling, has the form of the crest of the ancient helmet, Others wear large quantities of false hair, flowing down their backs in long ringlets, like the figure of the inhabitants of Horn Island, as seen in Dalrymple's Voyages; and others, again, tie it into a single round bunch on the top of the head, almost as large as the head itself; and some into five or six distinct bunches. They daub their hair with a grey clay, mixed with powdered shells, which they keep in balls, and chew into a kind of soft paste, when they have occasion to make use of it. This keeps the hair smooth; and, in time, changes it to a pale yellow colour.

      Both sexes wear necklaces, made of strings of small variegated shells; and an ornament, in the form of the handle

of a cup, about two inches long, and half an inch broad, made of wood, stone, or ivory, finely polished, which is hung about the neck, by fine threads of twisted hair, doubled sometimes an hundred fold. Instead of this ornament, some of them wear, on their breast, a small human figure, made of bone, suspended in the same manner.

      The fan, or fly-flap, is also an, ornament used by both sexes. The most ordinary kind are made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, tied loose, in bunches, to the top of a smooth polished handle. The tail-feathers of the cock, and of the tropic-bird, are also used in the same manner; but the most valuable are those which have the handle made of the arm or leg bones of an enemy slain in battle, and which are preserved with great care, and handed down, from father to son, as trophies of inestimable value.

      The custom of tattowing the body, they have in common with the rest of the natives of the South Sea Islands; but it is only at New Zealand, and the Sandwich Islands, that they tattow the face. There is also this difference between the two last, that, in the former, it is done in elegant spiral volutes, and in the latter, in straight lines, crossing each other at right angles. The hands and arms of the women are also very neatly marked, and they have a singular custom amongst them, the meaning of which we could never learn, that of tattowing the tip of the tongues of the females.

      From some information we received, relative to the custom of tattowing, we were inclined to think, that it is frequently intended as a sign of mourning on the death of a Chief, or any other calamitous event. For we were often told, that

such a particular mark was in memory of such a Chief; and so of the rest. It may be here, too, observed, that the lowest class are often tattowed with a mark, that distinguishes them as the property of the several Chiefs to whom they belong.

      The dress of the men generally consists only of a piece of thick cloth called the maro, about ten or twelve inches broad, which they pass between the legs, and tie round the waist. This is the common dress of all ranks of people. Their mats, some of which are beautifully manufactured, are of various sizes, but mostly about five feet long, and four broad. These they throw over their shoulders, and bring forward before; but they are seldom used, except in time of war, for which purpose they seem better adapted than for ordinary use, being of a thick and cumbersome texture, and capable of breaking the blow of a stone, or any blunt weapon. Their feet are generally bare, except when they have occasion to travel over the burnt stones, when they secure them with a sort of sandal, made of cords, twisted from the fibres of the cocoa-nut. Such is the ordinary dress of these islanders; but they have another, appropriated to their Chiefs, and used on ceremonious occasions, consisting of a feathered cloak and helmet, which, in point of beauty and magnificence, is perhaps nearly equal to that of any nation in the world. As this dress has been already described with great accuracy and minuteness, I have only to add, that these cloaks are made of different lengths, in proportion to the rank of the wearer, some of them reaching no lower than the middle, others trailing on the ground. The inferior Chiefs have also a short cloak, resembling the former, made of the long tail-feathers of the cock, the tropic and man of war birds, with a broad border of the small red and

yellow feathers, and a collar of the same. Others again are made of feathers entirely white, with variegated borders. The helmet has a strong lining of wicker-work, capable of breaking the blow of any warlike instrument, and seems evidently designed for that purpose.

      These feathered dresses seemed to be exceedingly scarce, appropriated to persons of the highest rank, and worn by the men only. During the whole time we lay in Karakakooa Bay, we never saw them used but on three occasions: in the curious ceremony of Terreeoboo's first visit to the ships; by some Chiefs, who were seen among the crowd on shore, when Captain Cook was killed; and, afterward, when Eappo brought his bones to us.

      The exact resemblance between this habit, and the cloak and helmet formerly worn by the Spaniards, was too striking not to excite our curiosity to inquire, whether there were any probable grounds for supposing it to have been borrowed from them. After exerting every means in our power, of obtaining information on this subject, we found that they had no immediate knowledge of any other nation whatever; nor any tradition remaining among them of these islands having been ever visited before by such ships as ours. But notwithstanding the result of these inquiries, the uncommon form of this habit appears to me a sufficient proof of its European origin; especially when added to another circumstance, that it is a singular deviation from the general resemblance in dress, which prevails amongst all the branches of this tribe, dispersed through the South Sea. We were driven indeed, by this conclusion, to a supposition of the shipwreck of some Buccaneer, or Spanish ship, in the neighbourhood of these islands, But when it is recol-

lected that the course of the Spanish trade from Acapulco to the Manillas, is but a few degrees to the Southward of the Sandwich Islands, in their passage out, and to the Northward, on their return, this supposition will not appear in the least improbable.

      The common dress of the women bears a close resemblance to that of the men. They wrap round the waist a piece of cloth, that reaches half way down the thighs; and sometimes, in the cool of the evening, they appeared with loose pieces of fine cloth thrown over their shoulders, like the women of Otaheite. The pau is another dress very frequently worn by the younger part of the sex. It is made of the thinnest and finest sort of cloth, wrapt several times round the waist, and descending to the leg; so as to have exactly the appearance of a full short petticoat. Their hair is cut short behind, and turned up before, as is the fashion among the Otaheiteans and New Zealanders; all of whom differ, in this respect, from the women of the Friendly Islands, who wear their hair long. We saw, indeed, one woman in Karakakooa Bay, whose hair was arranged in a very singular manner; it was turned up behind, and brought over the forehead, and then doubled back, so as to form a sort of shade to the face, like a small bonnet.

      Their necklaces are made of shells, or of a hard, shining, red berry. Besides which, they wear wreaths of dried flowers of the Indian mallow; and another beautiful ornament, called eraie, which is generally put about the neck, but is sometimes tied like a garland round the hair, and sometimes worn in both these ways at once, as may be seen in the print of the woman of the Sandwich lslands. It is a ruff of the thickness of a finger, made, in a curious manner, of exceedingly

small feathers, woven so close together as to form a surface as smooth as that of the richest velvet. The ground was generally of a red colour, with alternate circles of green, yellow, and black. Their bracelets, which were also of great variety, and very peculiar kinds, have been already described.

      At Atooi, some of the women wore little figures of the turtle, neatly formed of wood or ivory, tied on their fingers in the manner we wear rings. Why this animal is thus particularly distinguished, I leave to the conjectures of the curious. There is also an ornament made of shells, fastened in rows on a ground of strong netting, so as to strike each other, when in motion; which both men and women, when they dance, tie either round the arm or the ankle, or below the knee. Instead of shells, they sometimes make use of dogs teeth, and a hard red berry, resembling that of the holly.

      There remains to be mentioned another ornament (if such it may be called), the figure of which may be better conceived from the annexed print, than any written description. It is a kind of mask, made of a large gourd, with holes cut in it for the eyes and nose. The top was stuck full of small green twigs, which, at a distance, had the appearance of an elegant waving plume; and from the lower part hung narrow stripes of cloth, resembling a beard. We never saw these masks worn but twice, and both times by a number of people together in a canoe, who came to the side of the ship, laughing and drolling, with an air of masquerading. Whether they may not likewise be used as a defence for the head against stones, for which they seem best designed, or in some of their public games, or be merely in-

tended for the purposes of mummery, we could never inform ourselves.

      It has already been remarked, in a few instances, that the natives of the Sandwich Islands approach nearer to the New Zealanders, in their manners and customs, than to either of their less distant neighbours of the Society or Friendly Islands. This is in nothing more observable, than in their method of living together in small towns or villages, containing from about one hundred to two hundred houses, built pretty close together, without any order, and having a winding path leading through them. They are generally flanked, toward the sea, with loose detached walls, which probably are meant both for the purposes of shelter and defence. The figure of their houses has been already described. They are of different sizes, from eighteen feet by twelve, to forty-five by twenty-four. There are some of a larger kind; being fifty feet long and thirty broad, and quite open at one end. These, they told us, were designed for travellers or strangers, who were only making a short stay.

      In addition to the furniture of their houses, which has been accurately described by Captain Cook, I have only to add, that at one end are mats on which they sleep, with wooden pillows, or sleeping stools, exactly like those of the Chinese. Some of the better sort of houses have a courtyard before them, neatly railed in, with smaller houses built round it, for their servants. In this area they generally eat, and sit during the day-time. In the sides of the hills, and among the steep rocks, we also observed several holes or caves, which appeared to be inhabited; but as the entrance was defended with wicker-work, and we also found, in the

only one that was visited, a stone fence running across it within, we imagine they are principally designed for places of retreat, in case of an attack from an enemy.

      The food of the lower class of people consists principally of fish, and vegetables; such as yams, sweet-potatoes, tarrow, plantains, sugar-canes, and bread-fruit. To these, the people of a higher rank add the flesh of hogs and dogs, dressed in the same manner as at the Society Islands. They also eat fowls of the same domestic kind with ours; but they are neither plentiful, nor much esteemed by them. It is remarked by Captain Cook, that the bread-fruit and yams appeared scarce amongst them, and were reckoned great rarities. We found this not to be the case on our second visit; and it is therefore most probable, that, as these vegetables were generally planted in the interior parts of the country, the natives had not had time to bring them down to us, during the short stay we made in Wymoa Bay. Their fish they salt, and preserve in gourd-shells; not, as we at first imagined, for the purpose of providing against any temporary scarcity, but from the preference they give to salted meats. For we also found, that the Erees used to pickle pieces of pork in the same manner, and esteemed it a great delicacy.

      Their cookery is exactly of the same sort with that already described, in the accounts that have been published of the other South Sea islands; and though Captain Cook complains of the sourness of their tarrow puddings, yet, in justice to the many excellent meals they afforded us in Karakakooa Bay, I must be permitted to rescue them from this general censure, and to declare, that I never eat better even in the Friendly Islands. It is however remarkable, that they had

not got the art of preserving the bread-fruit, and making the sour paste of it called Maihee, as at the Society Islands; and it was some satisfaction to us, in return for their great kindness and hospitality, to have it in our power to teach them this useful secret. They are exceedingly cleanly at their meals; and their mode of dressing both their animal and vegetable food, was universally allowed to be greatly superior to ours. The Chiefs constantly begin their meal with a doze of the extract of pepper-root, brewed after the usual manner. The women eat apart from the men, and are tabooed, or forbidden, as has been already mentioned, the use of pork, turtle, and particular kinds of plantains. However, they would eat pork with us in private; but we could never prevail upon them to touch the two last articles.

      The way of spending their time appears to be very simple, and to admit of little variety. They rise with the sun; and, after enjoying the cool of the evening, retire to rest a few hours after sun-set. The making of canoes and mats forms the occupations of the Erees; the women are employed in manufacturing cloth; and the Towtows are principally engaged in the plantations and fishing. Their idle hours are filled up with various amusements. Their young men and women are fond of dancing; and, on more solemn occasions, they have boxing and wrestling matches, after the manner of the Friendly Islands; though, in all these respects, they are much inferior to the latter.

      Their dances have a much nearer resemblance to those of the New Zealanders, than of the Otaheiteans or Friendly Islanders. They are prefaced with a slow, solemn song, in which all the party join, moving their legs, and gently striking their breasts, in a manner, and with attitudes, that are

perfectly easy and graceful; and so far they are the same with the dances of the Society Islands. When this has lasted about ten minutes, both the tune and the motions gradually quicken, and end only by their inability to support the fatigue; which part of the performance is the exact counter-part of that of the New Zealanders; and (as it is among them) the person who uses the most violent action, and holds out the longest, is applauded as the best dancer. It is to be observed, that, in this dance, the women only take a part, and that the dancing of the men is nearly of the same kind with what we saw of the small parties at the Friendly Islands; and which may, perhaps, with more propriety, be called the accompaniment of songs, with corresponding and graceful motions of the whole body. Yet as we were spectators of boxing exhibitions, of the same kind with those we were entertained with at the Friendly Islands, it is probable that they had likewise their grand ceremonious dances, in which numbers of both sexes assisted.

      Their music is also of a ruder kind, having neither flutes nor reeds, nor instruments of any other sort, that we saw, except drums of various sizes. But their songs, which they sung in parts ^*, and accompany with a gentle motion of the

arms, in the same manner as the Friendly Islanders, had a very pleasing effect.

      It is very remarkable, that the people of these islands are great gamblers. They have a game very much like our draughts; but, if one may judge from the number of squares, it is much more intricate. The board is about two feet long, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight squares, of which there are fourteen in a row, and they

make use of black and white pebbles, which they move from square to square.

      There is another game, which consists in hiding a stone under a piece of cloth, which one of the parties spreads our, and rumples in such a manner, that the place where the stone lies is difficult to be distinguished. The antagonist, with a stick, then strikes the part of the cloth where he imagines the stone to be; and as the chances are, upon the whole, considerably against his hitting it, odds, of all degrees, varying with the opinion of the skill of the parties, are laid on the side of him who hides.

      Besides these games, they frequently amuse themselves with racing-matches between the boys and girls; and here again they wager with great spirit. I saw a man in a most violent rage, tearing his hair, and beating his breast, after losing three hatchets at one of these races, which he had just before purchased from us, with half his substance.

      Swimming is not only a necessary art, in which both their men and women are more expert than any people we had hitherto seen, but a favourite diversion amongst them. One particular mode, in which they sometimes amused themselves with this exercise, in Karakakooa Bay, appeared to us most perilous and extraordinary, and well deserving a distinct relation.

      The surf, which breaks on the coast round the bay, extends to the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, within which space, the surges of the sea, accumulating from the shallowness of the water, are dashed against the beach with prodigious violence. Whenever, from stormy weather, or any extraordinary swell at sea, the impetuosity of the surf is increased to its utmost height, they

choose that time for this amusement, which is performed in the following manner: Twenty or thirty of the natives, taking each a long narrow board, rounded at the ends, set out together from the shore. The first wave they meet, they plunge under, and suffering it to roll over them, rise again beyond it, and make the best of their way, by swimming, out into the sea. The second wave is encountered in the same manner with the first; the great difficulty consisting in seizing the proper moment of diving under it, which, if missed, the person is caught by the surf, and driven back again with great violence; and all his dexterity is then required to prevent himself from being dashed against the rocks. As soon as they have gained, by these repeated efforts, the smooth water beyond the surf, they lay themselves at length on their board, and prepare for their return. As the surf consists of a number of waves, of which every third is remarked to be always much larger than the others, and to flow higher on the shore, the rest breaking in the intermediate space, their first object is to place themselves on the summit of the largest surge, by which they are driven along with amazing rapidity toward the shore. If by mistake they should place themselves on one of the smaller waves, which breaks before they reach the land, or should not be able to keep their plank in a proper direction on the top of the swell, they are left exposed to the fury of the next, and, to avoid it, are obliged again to dive and regain the place, from which they set out. Those who succeed in their object of reaching the shore, have still the greatest danger to encounter. The coast being guarded by a chain of rocks, with, here and there, a small opening between them, they are obliged to steer their board through one of these, or, in case of failure, to quit it, before they reach the

rocks, and, plunging under the wave, make the best of their way back again. This is reckoned very disgraceful, and is also attended with the loss of the board, which I have often seen, with great terror, dashed to pieces, at the very moment the islander quitted it. The boldness and address, with which we saw them perform these difficult and dangerous manœuvres, was altogether astonishing, and is scarcely to be credited ^*.

      An accident, of which I was a near spectator, shews at how early a period they are so far familiarized to the water, as both to lose all fears of it, and to set its dangers at defiance. A canoe being overset, in which was a woman with her children, one of them an infant, who, I am convinced, was not more than four years old, seemed highly delighted with what had happened, swimming about at its ease, and playing a hundred tricks, till the canoe was put to rights again.

      Besides the amusements I have already mentioned, the young children have one, which was much played at, and shewed no small degree of dexterity. They take a short stick, with a peg sharpened at both ends, running through one extremity of it, and extending about an inch on each side; and throwing up a ball made of green leaves moulded together, and secured with twine, they catch it on the point of the peg; and immediately throwing it up again from the peg, they turn the stick round, and thus keep catching it on each peg alternately, without missing it, for a considerable time. They are not less expert at another game of the same nature, tossing up in the air, and catching, in their

turns, a number of these balls; so that we frequently saw little children thus keep in motion five at a time. With this latter play the young people likewise divert themselves at the Friendly Islands.

      The great resemblance which prevails in the mode of agriculture and navigation, amongst all the inhabitants of the South Sea islands, leaves me very little to add on those heads. Captain Cook has already described the figure of the canoes we saw at Atooi. Those of the other islands were precisely the same; and the largest we saw was a double canoe belonging to Terreeoboo, which measured seventy feet in length, three and a half in depth, and twelve in breadth; and each was hollowed out of one tree.

      The progress they have made in sculpture, their skill in painting cloth, and their manufacturing of mats, have been all particularly described. The most curious specimens of the former, which we saw during our second visit, are the bowls, in which the Chiefs drink ava. These are usually about eight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round, and beautifully polished. They are supported by three, and sometimes four small human figures, in various attitudes. Some of them rest on the hands of their supporters, extended over the head; others on the head and hands; and some on the shoulders. The figures, I am told, are accurately proportioned, and neatly finished, and even the anatomy of the muscles, in supporting the weight, well expressed.

      Their cloth is made of the same materials, and in the same manner, as at the Friendly and Society Islands. That which is designed to be painted, is of a thick and strong texture, several folds being beat and incorporated together;

after which it is cut in breadths, about two or three feet wide, and is painted in a variety of patterns, with a comprehensiveness and regularity of design, that bespeaks infinite taste and fancy. The exactness with which the most intricate patterns are continued, is the more surprizing, when we consider, that they have no stamps, and that the whole is done by the eye, with pieces of bamboo cane dipped in paint; the hand being supported by another piece of the cane, in the manner practised by our painters. Their colours are extracted from the same berries, and other vegetable substances, as at Otaheite, which have been already described by former voyagers.

      The business of painting belongs entirely to the women, and is called kipparee; and it is remarkable, that they always gave the same name to our writing. The young women would often take the pen out of our hands, and shew us, that they knew the use of it as well as we did; at the same time telling us, that our pens were not so good as theirs. They looked upon a sheet of written paper, as a piece of cloth striped after the fashion of our country, and it was not without the utmost difficulty, that we could make them understand, that our figures had a meaning in them which theirs had not.

      Their mats are made of the leaves of the pandanus; and, as well as their cloths, are beautifully worked in a variety of patterns, and stained of different colours. Some have a ground of pale green, spotted with squares, or romboids, of red; others are of a straw colour, spotted with green; and others are worked with beautiful stripes, either in straight or waving lines of red and brown. In this article of manufacture, whether we regard the strength, fineness, or beauty, they certainly excel the whole world.

      Their fishing-hooks are made of mother-of-pearl, bone, or wood, pointed and barbed with small bones, or tortoiseshell. They are of various sizes and forms; but the most common are about two or three inches long, and made in the shape of a small fish, which serves as a bait, having a bunch of feathers tied to the head or tail. Those with which they fish for sharks, are of a very large size, being generally six or eight inches long. Considering the materials of which these hooks are made, their strength and neatness are really astonishing; and in fact we found them, upon trial, much superior to our own.

      The line which they use for fishing, for making nets, and for other domestic purposes, is of different degrees of fineness, and is made of the bark of the touta, or cloth tree, neatly and evenly twisted, in the same manner as our common twine; and may be continued to any length. They have a finer sort, made of the bark of a small shrub called areemah; and the finest is made of human hair; but this last is chiefly used for things of ornament. They also make cordage of a stronger kind, for the rigging of their canoes, from the fibrous coatings of the cocoa-nuts. Some of this we purchased for our own use, and found it well adapted to the smaller kinds of running rigging. They likewise make another sort of cordage, which is flat, and exceedingly strong, and used principally in lashing the roofing of their houses, or whatever they wish to fasten tight together. This last is not twisted like the former sorts, but is made of the fibrous strings of the cocoa-nut's coat, plaited with the fingers, in the manner our sailors make their points for the reefing of sails.

      The gourds, which grow to so enormous a size, that some of them are capable of containing from ten to twelve gal-

lons, are applied to all manner of domestic purposes; and in order to fit them the better to their respective uses, they have the ingenuity to give them different forms, by tying bandages round them during their growth. Thus, some of them are of a long, cylindrical form, as best adapted to contain their fishing-tackle; others are of a dish form, and these serve to hold their salt, and salted provisions, their puddings, vegetables, &c.; which two sorts have neat close covers, made likewise of the gourd; others again are exactly the shape of a bottle with a long neck, and in these they keep their water. They have likewise a method of scoring them with a heated instrument, so as to give them the appearance of being painted, in a variety of neat and elegant designs.

      Amongst their arts, we must not forget that of making salt, with which we were amply supplied, during our stay at these islands, and which was perfectly good of its kind. Their salt-pans are made of earth, lined with clay; being generally six or eight feet square, and about eight inches deep. They are raised upon a bank of stones near the high water mark, from whence the salt water is conducted to the foot of them, in small trenches, out of which they are filled, and the sun quickly performs the necessary process of evaporation. The salt we procured at Atooi and Oneeheow, on our first visit, was of a brown and dirty sort; but that which we afterward got in Karakakooa Bay, was white, and of a most excellent quality, and in great abundance. Besides the quantity we used in salting pork, we filled all our empty casks, amounting to sixteen puncheons, in the Resolution only.

      Their instruments of war are spears; daggers, called pahooas; clubs; and slings. The spears are of two sorts, and

made of a hard solid wood, which has much the appearance of mahogany. One sort is from six to eight feet in length, finely polished, and gradually increasing in thickness from the extremity till within about half a foot of the point, which tapers suddenly, and is furnished with four or six rows of barbs. It is not improbable, that these might be used in the way of darts. The other sort, with which we saw the warriors at Owhyhee and Atooi mostly armed, are twelve or fifteen feet long, and, instead of being barbed, terminate toward the point, like their daggers.

      The dagger, or pahooa, is made of heavy black wood, resembling ebony. Its length is from one to two feet, with a string passing through the handle, for the purpose of suspending it to the arm. For its shape, I must refer the reader to figure 6, in Plate LXVII.

      The clubs are made indifferently of several sorts of wood. They are of rude workmanship, and of a variety of shapes and sizes.

      The slings have nothing singular about them; and in no respect differ from our common slings, except that the stone is lodged on a piece of matting instead of leather.

CHAP. VIII.

General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued.—Government.— People divided into three Classes.—Power of Eree-taboo.—Genealogy of the Kings of Owhyhee and Mowee.—Power of the Chiefs. State of the inferior Class.—Punishment of Crimes.— Religion.— Society of Priests.—The Orono.—Their Idols.—Songs chanted by the Chiefs, before they drink Ava.—Human Sacrifices.—Custom of knocking out the fore-teeth.—Notions with regard to a future State.— Marriages.—Remarkable Instance of Jealousy.—Funeral Rites.

The people of these islands are manifestly divided into three classes. The first are the Erees, or Chiefs, of each district; one of whom is superior to the rest, and is called at Owhyhee Eree-taboo, and Eree Moee. By the first of these words they express his absolute authority; and by the latter, that all are obliged to prostrate themselves (or put themselves to sleep, as the word signifies) in his presence. The second class are those who appear to enjoy a right of property, without authority. The third are the towtows, or servants, who have neither rank nor property.

      It is not possible to give any thing like a systematical account of the subordination of these classes to each other, without departing from that strict veracity, which, in works of this nature, is more satisfactory than conjectures, how ever ingenious. I will, therefore, content myself with relating such facts, as we were witnesses to ourselves, and such

accounts as we thought could be depended upon; and shall leave the reader to form, from them, his own ideas of the nature of their government.

      The great power and high rank of Terreeoboo, the Eree-taboo of Owhyhee, was very evident, from the manner in which he was received at Karakakooa, on his first arrival. All the natives were seen prostrated at the entrance of their houses; and the canoes, for two days before, were tabooed, or forbidden to go out, till he took off the restraint. He was, at this time, just returned from Mowee, for the possession of which he was contending in favour of his son Teewarro, who had married the daughter and only child of the late king of that island, against Taheeterree, his surviving brother. He was attended, in this expedition, by many of his warriors; but whether their service was voluntary, or the condition on which they hold their rank and property, we could not learn.

      That he collects tribute from the subordinate Chiefs, we had a very striking proof in the instance of Kaoo, which has been already related in our transactions of the 2d and 3d of February

      I have before mentioned, that the two most powerful Chiefs of these islands are Terreeoboo of Owhyhee, and Perreeorannee of Woahoo; the rest of the smaller isles being subject to one or other of these; Mowee, and its dependencies, being, at this time, claimed, as we have just observed, by Terreeoboo for Teewarro his son and intended successor; Atooi and Oneeheow being governed by the grandsons of Perreeorannee.

      The following genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee kings, which I collected from the priests, during our residence at the Morai in Karakakooa Bay, contains all the in-

formation I could procure relative to the political history of these islands.

      This account reaches to four Chiefs, predecessors of the present; all of whom they represent to have lived to an old age. Their names and successions are as follow:

      First, Poorahoo Awhykaia was king of Owhyhee, and had an only son, called Neerooagooa. At this time Mowee was governed by Mokoakea; who had also an only son, named Papikaneeou.

      Secondly, Neerooagooa had three sons, the eldest named Kahavee; and Papikaneeou, of the Mowee race, had an only son, named Kaowreeka.

      Thirdly, Kahavee had an only son, Kayenewee a mummow; and Kaowreeka, the Mowee king, had two sons, Maiha maiha, and Taheeterree; the latter of whom is now, by one party, acknowledged Chief of Mowee.

      Fourthly, Kayenewee a mummow had two sons, Terreeoboo and Kaihooa; and Maiha maiha, king of Mowee, had no son, but left a daughter, called Roaho.

      Fifthly, Terreeoboo, the present king of Owhyhee, had a son named Teewarro, by Rora-rora, the widow of Maiha maiha, late king of Mowee; and this son has married Roaho, his half sister, in whose right he claims Mowee and its ap pendages.

      Taheeterree, the brother of the late king, supported by a considerable party, who were not willing that the possessions should go into another family, took up arms, and opposed the rights of his niece.

      When we were first off Mowee, Terreeoboo was there with his warriors to support the claims of his wife, his son, and

daughter-in-law, and had fought a battle with the opposite party, in which Taheeterree was worsted. We afterward understood, that matters had been compromised, and that Taheeterree is to have the possession of the three neighbouring islands during bis life; that Teewarro is acknowledged the Chief of Mowee, and will also succeed to the kingdom of Owhyhee on the death of Terreeoboo; and also to the sovereignty of the three islands, contiguous to Mowee, on the death of Taheeterree. Teewarro has been lately married to his half sister; and should he die without issue, the government of these islands descends to Maiha maiha, whom we have often had occasion to mention, he being the son of Kaihooa, the deceased brother of Terreeoboo. Should he also die without issue, they could not tell who would succeed; for the two youngest sons of Terreeoboo, one of whom he appears to be exceedingly fond of, being born of a woman of no rank, would, from this circumstance, be debarred all right of succession. We had not an opportunity of seeing queen Rora-rora, whom Terreeoboo had left behind at Mowee; but we have already had occasion to take notice, that he was accompanied by Kanee Kaberaia, the mother of the two youths, to whom he was very much attached.

      From this account of the genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee monarchs, it is pretty clear that the government is hereditary; which also makes it very probable, that the inferior titles, and property itself, descend in the same course. With regard to Perreeorannee, we could only learn, that he is an Eree Taboo; that he was invading the possession of Taheeterree, but on what pretence we were not informed; and that his grandsons governed the islands to leeward.

      The power of the Erees over the inferior classes of people appears to be very absolute. Many instances of this oc-

curred daily during our stay amongst them, and have been already related. The people, on the other hand, pay them the most implicit obedience; and this state of servility has manifestly had a great effect in debafing both their minds and bodies. It is, however, remarkable, that the Chiefs were never guilty, as far at least as came within my knowledge, of any acts of cruelty or injustice, or even of insolent behaviour toward them; though, at the same time, they exercised their power over one another in the most haughty and oppressive manner. Of this I shall give two instances. A Chief of the lower order had behaved with great civility t0 the master of the ship, when he went to examine Kara kakooa bay, the day before the ship first arrived there; and, in return, I afterward carried him on board, and introduced him to Captain Cook, who invited him to dine with us. While we were at table, Pareea entered, whose face but too plainly manifested his indignation, at seeing our guest in so honourable a situation. He immediately seized him by the hair of the head, and was proceeding to drag him out of the cabin, when the Captain interfered; and, after a great deal of altercation, all the indulgence we could obtain, without coming to a quarrel with Pareea, was, that our guest should be suffered to remain, being seated upon the floor, whilst Pareea filled his place at the table. At another time, when Terreeoboo first came on board the Resolution, Maiha-maiha, who attended him, finding Pareea on deck, turned him out of the ship in the most ignominious manner; and yet Pareea, we certainly knew, to be a man of the first consequence.

      How far the property of the lower class is secured against the rapacity and despotism of the great Chiefs, I cannot say; but it should seem, that it is sufficiently protected against

private theft, or mutual depredation. For not only their plantations, which are spread over the whole country, but also their houses, their hogs, and their cloth, were left unguarded, without the smallest apprehensions. I have already remarked, that they not only separate their possessions by walls in the plain country, but that, in the woods likewise, wherever the horse-plantains grow, they make use of small white flags, in the same manner, and for the same purpose of discriminating property, as they do bunches of leaves at Otaheite. All which circumstances, if they do not amount to proofs, are strong indications that the power of the Chiefs, where property is concerned, is not arbitrary; but, at least, so far circumscribed and ascertained, as to make it worth the while for the inferior orders to cultivate the soil, and to occupy their possessions distinct from each other.

      With respect to the administration of justice, all the information we could collect was very imperfect and confined. Whenever any of the lowest class of people had a quarrel amongst themselves, the matter in dispute was referred to the decision of some Chief, probably the Chief of the district, or the person to whom they appertained. If an inferior Chief had given cause of offence to one of a higher rank, the feelings of the latter at the moment seemed the only measure of his punishment. If he had the good fortune to escape the first transports of his superior's rage, he generally found means, through the mediation of some third person, to compound for his crime by a part or the whole of his property and effects. These were the only facts that came to our knowledge on this head.

      The religion of these people resembles, in most of its principal features, that of the Society and Friendly Islands.

Their Morais, their Whattas, their idols, their Sacrifices, and their sacred songs, all of which they have in common with each other, are convincing proofs, that their religious notions are derived from the same source. In the length and number of their ceremonies, this branch indeed far exceeds the rest; and, though in all these countries, there is a certain class of men, to whose care the performance of their religious rites is committed; yet we had never met with a regular society of priests, till we discovered the cloisters of Kakooa in Karakakooa Bay. The head of this order was called Orono; a title which we imagined to imply something highly sacred, and which, in the person of Omeeah, was honoured almost to adoration. It is probable, that the privilege of entering into this order (at least as to the principal offices in it), is limited to certain families. Omeeah, the Orono, was the son of Kaoo, and the uncle of Kairee keea; which last presided, during the absence of his grandfather, in all religious ceremonies at the Morai. It was also remarked, that the child of Omeeah, an only son, about five years old, was never suffered to appear without a number of attendants, and such other marks of care and solicitude, as we saw no other like instance of. This seemed to indicate, that his life was an object of the greatest moment, and that he was destined to succeed to the high rank of his father.

      It has been mentioned, that the title of Orono, with all its honours, was given to Captain Cook; and it is also certain, that they regarded us, generally, as a race of people superior to themselves; and used often to say, that great Eatooa dwelled in our country. The little image, which we have before described, as the favourite idol on the Morai in Karakakooa Bay, they call Koonooraekaiee, and said it

was Terreeoboo's God; and that he also resided amongst us.

      There are found an infinite variety of these images, both on the Morais, and within and without their houses, to which they give different names; but it soon became obvious to us in how little estimation they were held, from their frequent expressions of contempt of them, and from their even offering them to sale for trifles. At the same time, there seldom failed to be some one particular figure in favour, to which, whilst this preference lasted, all their adoration was addressed. This consisted in arraying it in red cloth; beating their drums, and singing hymns before it; laying bunches of red feathers, and different sorts of vegetables, at its feet; and exposing a pig, or a dog, to rot on the whatta that stood near it.

      In a bay to the Southward of Karakakooa, a party of our gentlemen were conducted to a large house, in which they found the black figure of a man, resting on his fingers and toes, with his head inclined backward; the limbs well formed and exactly proportioned, and the whole beautifully polished. This figure the natives called Maee; and round it were placed thirteen others of rude and distorted shapes, which they said were the Eatooas of several deceased Chiefs, whose names they recounted. The place was full of whattas, on which lay the remains of their offerings. They likewise give a place in their houses to many ludicrous and some obscene idols, like the Priapus of the ancients.

      It hath been remarked, by former voyagers, that both among the Society and Friendly Islanders, an adoration is paid to particular birds; and I am led to believe, that the same custom prevails here; and that, probably, the raven is

the objects of it, from seeing two of these birds tame at the village of Kakooa, which they told me were Eatooas; and, refusing every thing I offered for them, cautioned me, at the same time, not to hurt or offend them.

      Amongst their religious ceremonies, may be reckoned the prayers and offerings made by the priests before their meals. Whilst the ava is chewing, of which they always drink before they begin their repast, the person of the highest rank takes the lead in a fort of hymn, in which he is presently joined by one, two, or more of the company; the rest moving their bodies, and striking their hands gently together, in concert with the singers. When the ava is ready, cups of it are handed about to those who do not join in the song, which they keep in their hands till it is ended; when, uniting in one loud response, they drink off their cup. The performers of the hymn are then served with ava, who drink it after a repetition of the same ceremony; and, if there be present one of a very superior rank, a cup is, last of all, presented to him, which, after chanting some time alone, and being answered by the rest, and pouring a little out on the ground, he drinks off. A piece of the flesh that is dressed, is next cut off, without any selection of the part of the animal; which, together with some of the vegetables, being deposited at the foot of the image of the Eatooa, and a hymn chanted, their meal commences. A ceremony of much the same kind is also performed by the Chiefs, whenever they drink ava, between their meals.

      Human sacrifices are more frequent here, according to the account of the natives themselves, than in any other islands we visited. These horrid rites are not only had recourse to upon the commencement of war, and preceding

great battles, and other signal enterprizes; but the death of any considerable Chief calls for a sacrifice of one or more Towtows, according to his rank; and we were told, that ten men were destined to suffer on the death of Terreeoboo. What may (if any thing possibly can) lessen, in some small degree, the horror of this practice, is, that the unhappy victims have not the most distant intimation of their fate. Those who are fixed upon to fall, are set upon with clubs wherever they happen to be; and, after being dispatched, are brought dead to the place, where the remainder of the rites are completed. The reader will here call to his remembrance the skulls of the captives, that had been sacrificed at the death of some great Chief, and which were fixed on the rails round the top of the Morai at Kakooa. We got a farther piece of intelligence upon this subject at the village of Kowrowa; where, on our inquiring into the use of a small piece of ground, inclosed with a stone fence, we were told that it was an Here-eere, or burying-ground of a Chief; and there, added our informer, pointing to one of the corners, lie the tangata, and waheene taboo, or the man and woman who were sacrificed at his funeral.

      To this class of their customs may also be referred that of knocking out their fore-teeth. Scarce any of the lower people, and very few of the Chiefs, were seen, who had not lost one or more of them; and we always understood, that this voluntary punishment, like the cutting off the joints of the finger at the Friendly Islands, was not inflicted on themselves from the violence of grief, on the death of their friends, but was designed as a propitiatory sacrifice to the Eatooa, to avert any danger or mischief to which they might be exposed.

      We were able to learn but little of their notions with regard to a future state. Whenever we asked them, whither the dead were gone? we were always answered, that the breath, which they appeared to consider as the soul, or immortal part, was gone to the Eatooa; and, on pushing our inquiries farther, they seemed to describe some particular place, where they imagined the abode of the deceased to be; but we could not perceive, that they thought, in this state, either rewards or punishments awaited them.

      Having promised the Reader, in the first Chapter, an explanation of what was meant by the word taboo, I shall, in this place, lay before him the particular instances that fell under our observation, of its application and effects. On our inquiring into the reasons of the interdiction of all intercourse between us and the natives, the day preceding the arrival of Terreeoboo, we were told, that the Bay was tabooed. The same restriction took place, at our request, the day we interred the bones of Captain Cook. In these two instances the natives paid the most implicit and scrupulous obedience; but whether on any religious principle, or merely in deference to the civil authority of their Chiefs, I cannot determine. When the ground near our observatories, and the place where our masts lay, were tabooed, by sticking small wands round them, this operated in a manner not less efficacious. But though this mode of consecration was performed by the priests only, yet still, as the men ventured to come within the space, when invited by us, it should seem, that they were under no religious apprehensions; and that their obedience was limited to our refusal only. The women could, by no means, be induced to come near us; but this was probably on account of the Morai adjoining; which they are prohibited, at all times, and in all the

islands of those seas, from approaching. Mention hath been already made, that women are always tabooed, or forbidden, to eat certain kind of meats. We also frequently saw several at their meals, who had the meat put into their mouths by others; and on our asking the reason of this singularity, were told, that they were tabooed, or forbidden, to feed themselves. This prohibition, we understood, was always laid on them, after they had assisted at any funeral, or touched a dead body, and also on other occasions. It is necessary to observe, that, on these occasions, they apply the word taboo indifferently both to persons and things. Thus they say, the natives were tabooed, or the bay was tabooed, and so of the rest. This word is also used to express any thing sacred, or eminent, or devoted. Thus the king of Owhyhee was called Eree-taboo a human victim, tangata taboo; and, in the same manner, among the Friendly Islanders, Tonga, the island where the king resides, is named Tonga-taboo.

      Concerning their marriages, I can afford the reader little farther satisfaction, than informing him, that such a relation or compact exists amongst them. I have already had occasion to mention, that at the time Terreeoboo had left his queen Rora Rora at Mowee, he was attended by another woman, by whom he had children, and to whom he was very much attached; but how far polygamy, properly speaking, is allowed, or how far it is mixed with concubinage, either with respect to the king, the Chiefs, or among the inferior orders, too few facts came to our knowledge to justify any conclusions. It hath also been observed, that, except Kainee Kabareea, and the wife of the Orono, with three women whom I shall have occasion hereafter to mention, we never saw any female of high rank. From what I had an oppor-

tunity of observing of the domestic concerns of the lowest class, the house seemed to be under the direction of one man and woman, and the children in the like state of subordination as in civilized countries.

      It will not be improper, in this place, to take notice, that we were eye-witnesses of a fact, which, as it was the only instance we saw of anything like jealousy among them, shews, at the same time, that not only fidelity, but a degree of reserve, is required from the married women of consequence. At one of the entertainments of boxing, Omeah was observed to rise from his place two or three times, and to go up to his wife with strong marks of displeasure, ordering her, as it appeared to us from his manner, to withdraw. Whether it was, that being very handsome, he thought she drew too much of our attention, or without being able to determine what other reason he might have for his conduct, it is but justice to say, that there existed no real cause of jealousy. However, she kept her place; and when the entertainment was over, joined our party, and soliciting some trifling presents, was given to understand, that we had none about us; but that if she would accompany us toward our tent, she should return with such as she liked best. She was accordingly walking along with us; which Omeah observing, followed in a violent rage, and seizing her by the hair, began to inflict, with his fists, a severe corporal punishment. This sight, especially as we had innocently been the cause of it, gave us much concern; and yet we were told, that it would be highly improper to interfere between man and wife of such high rank. We were, however, not left without the consolation of seeing the natives at last interpose; and had the farther satisfaction of meeting them together the next day, in perfect good-humour with each other; and

what is still more singular, the lady would not suffer us to remonstrate with her husband on his treatment of her, which we were much inclined to do, and plainly told us, that he had done no more than he ought.

      Whilst I was ashore at the observatory at Karakakooa Bay, I had twice an opportunity of seeing a considerable part of their funeral rites. Intelligence was brought me of the death of an old Chief in a house near our observatories, soon after the event happened. On going to the place, I found a number of people assembled, and seated round a square area, fronting the house in which the deceased lay, whilst a man, in a red feathered cap, advanced from an interior part of the house to the door, and putting out his head, at almost every moment uttered a most lamentable howl, accompanied with the most singular grimaces, and violent distortions of his face, that can be conceived. After this had passed a short time, a large mat was spread upon the area, and two men and thirteen women came out of the house and seated themselves down upon it, in three equal rows; the two men, and three of the women, being in front. The necks and hands of the women were decorated with feathered ruffs; and broad green leaves, curiously scolloped, were spread over their shoulders. At one corner of this area, near a small hut, were half a dozen boys waving small white banners, and the tufted wands, or taboo sticks, which have been often mentioned in the former chapters, who would not permit us to approach them. This led me to imagine, that the dead body might be deposited in this little hut; but I afterward understood, that it was in the house where the man in the red cap opened the rites, by playing his tricks at the door. The company just mentioned, being seated on the mat, began to sing a melancholy

tune, accompanied with a slow and gentle motion of the body and arms. When this had continued some time, they raised themselves on their knees, and, in a posture between kneeling and sitting, began by degrees to move their arms and their bodies with great rapidity, the tune always keeping pace with their motions. As these last exertions were too violent to continue long, they resumed, at intervals, their slower movements; and, after this performance had lasted an hour, more mats were brought and spread upon the area, and four or five elderly women, amongst whom, I was told, was the dead Chief's wife, advanced slowly out of the house, and seating themselves in the front of the first company, began to cry and wail most bitterly; the women in the three rows behind joining them, whilst the two men inclined their heads over them in a very melancholy and pensive attitude. At this period of the rites, I was obliged to leave them to attend at the observatory; but returning within half an hour, found them in the same situation. I continued with them till late in the evening, and left them proceeding with little variation, as just described; resolving, however, to attend early in the morning, to see the remainder of the ceremony. On my arrival at the house, as soon as it was day, I found to my mortification, the crowd dispersed, and everything quiet; and was given to understand, that the corpse was removed; nor could I learn in what manner it was disposed of. I was interrupted in making farther inquiries for this purpose, by the approach of three women of rank, who, whilst their attendants stood near them with their fly-flaps, sat down by us, and, entering into conversation, soon made me comprehend, that our presence was a hindrance to the performance of some necessary rites.

I had hardly got out of sight, before I heard their cries and lamentations; and meeting them a few hours afterward, found they had painted the lower part of their faces perfect black.

      The other opportunity I had of observing these ceremonies, was in the case of an ordinary person; when, on hearing some mournful female cries issue from a miserable looking hut, I ventured into it, and found an old woman with her daughter, weeping over the body of an elderly man, who had but just expired, being still warm. The first step they took, was to cover the body with cloth, after which, lying down by it, they drew the cloth over themselves, and then began a mournful kind of song, frequently repeating, Aweh medoaah! Aweh tanee! Oh my father! Oh my husband! A younger daughter was also at the same time lying prostrate, in a corner of the house, covered over with black cloth, repeating the same words. On leaving this melancholy scene, I found at the door a number of their neighbours collected together, and listening to their cries with profound silence. I was resolved not to miss this opportunity of seeing in what manner they dispose of the body; and therefore, after Satisfying myself, before I went to bed, that it was not then removed, I gave orders, that the sentries should walk backward and forward before the house, and, in case they suspected any measures were taking for the removal of the body, to give me immediate notice. However, the sentries had not kept a good look-out, for in the morning I found the body was gone. On inquiring, what they had done with it? They pointed toward the sea; indicating, most probably, thereby, that it had been committed to the deep, or perhaps that it had been carried beyond the bay, to some burying-ground in

another part of the country. The Chiefs are interred in the Morais, or Heree-erees, with the men sacrificed on the occasion, by the side of them; and we observed, that the Morai, where the Chief had been buried, who, as I have already mentioned, was killed in the cave, after so stout a resistance, was hung round with red cloth.

A

VOYAGE

TO THE

PACIFIC OCEAN.

BOOK VI.

Transactions during the Second Expedition to the North, by the Way of Kamtschatka; and on the return Home, by the Way of Canton, and the Cape of Good Hope.

CHAP. I.

Departure from Oneeheow.—Fruitless Attempt to discover Modoopapappa.—Course steered for Awatska Bay.—Occurrences during that Passage.—Sudden Change from Heat to Cold.—Distress occasioned by the leaking of the Resolution —View of the Coast of Kamtschatka—Extreme Rigour of the Climate.—Lose Sight of the Discovery.—The Resolution enters the Bay of Awatska.—Prospect of the Town of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.—Party sent ashore.—Their Reception by the Commanding Officer of the Port.—Message dispatched to the Commander at Bolcheretsk.—Arrival of the Discovery.—

Return of the Messengers, from the Commander.—Extraordinary Mode of travelling.—Visit from a Merchant, and a German Servant belonging to the Commander.

      On the 15th of March, at seven in the morning, we weighed anchor, and passing to the North of Tahoora, stood on to the South West, in hopes of falling in with the island of Modoopapappa, which, we were told by the natives, lay in that direction, about five hours sail from Tahoora. At four in the afternoon, we were overtaken by a stout canoe, with ten men, who were going from Oneeheow to Tahoora, to kill tropic and man-of-war birds, with which that place was said to abound. It has been mentioned before, that the feathers of these birds are in great request, being much used in making their cloaks, and other ornamental parts of their dress.

      At eight, having seen nothing of the island, we hauled the wind to the Northward, till midnight, and then tacked, and stood on a wind to the South East, till day-light next morning, at which time Tahoora bore East North East, five or six leagues distant. We afterward steered West South West, and made the Discovery's signal to spread four miles upon our starboard beam. At noon, our latitude was 21° 27′, and our longitude 198° 42′; and having stood on till five, in the same direction, we made the Discovery's signal to come under our stern, and gave over all hopes of seeing Modoopapappa. We conceived, that it might probably lie in a more Southerly direction from Tahoora, than that in which we had steered; though, after all, it is possible, that we might have passed it in the night, as the islanders described it

to be very small, and almost even with the surface of the sea.

      The next day, we steered West; it being Captain Clerke's intention to keep as near as possible in the same parallel of latitude, till we should make the longitude of Awatska Bay, and afterward to steer due North for the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul in that bay; which was also appointed for our rendezvous, in case of separation. This track was chosen on account of its being, as far as we knew, unexplored; and we were not without hopes of falling in with some new islands on our passage.

      We had scarcely seen a bird, since our losing sight of Tahoora, till the 18th in the afternoon, when, being in the latitude of 21° 12′, and the longitude of 194° 45′, the appearance of a great many boobies, and some man-of-war birds, made us keep a sharp look-out for land. Toward evening, the wind lessened, and the North East swell, which, on the 16th and 17th, had been so heavy as to make the ships labour exceedingly, was much abated. The next day, we saw no appearance of land; and at noon, we steered a point more to the Southward, viz. West by South, in the hopes of finding the trade winds (which blew almost invariably from the East by North) fresher as we advanced within the tropic. It is somewhat singular, that though we saw no birds in the forenoon, yet toward evening we had again a number of boobies and man-of-war birds about us. This seemed to indicate, that we had passed the land from whence the former flights had come, and that we were approaching some other low island.

      The wind continued very moderate, with fine weather, till the 23d, when it freshened from the North East by East,

and increased to a strong gale, which split some of our old sails, and made the running rigging very frequently give way. This gale lasted twelve hours; it then became more moderate, and continued so, till the 25th at noon, when we entirely lost it, and had only a very light air.

      On the 26th in the morning, we thought we saw land to the West South West, but, after running about sixteen leagues in that direction, we found our mistake; and night coming on, we again steered West. Our latitude, at this time, was 19° 45′, which was the greatest Southing we made in this run; our longitude was 183°, and variation 12° 45′ East. We continued in this course, with little alteration in the wind, till the 29th, when it shifted to the South East and South South East, and, for a few hours in the night, it was in the West; the weather being dark, and cloudy, with much rain. We had met, for some days past, several turtles, one of which was the smallest I ever saw, not exceeding three inches in length. We were also accompanied by man-of-war birds, and boobies of an unusual kind, being quite white (except the tip of the wing, which. was black), and easily mistaken, at first sight, for gannets.

      The light winds which we had met with for some time past, with the present unsettled state of the weather, and the little appearance of any change for the better, induced Captain Clerke to alter his plan of keeping within the tropical latitudes; and accordingly, at six this evening, we began to steer North West by North, at which time our latitude was 20° 23′, and our longitude 180° 40′. During the continuance of the light winds, which prevailed almost constantly ever since our departure from the Sandwich Islands, the weather, was very close, and the air hot and

sultry; the thermometer being generally at 80°, and sometimes at 83°. All this time, we had a considerable swell from the North East; and in no period of the voyage did the ships roll and strain so violently.

      In the morning of the 1st of April, the wind changed from the South East to the North East by East, and blew a fresh breeze, till the morning of the 4th, when it altered two points more to the East, and by noon increased to a strong gale, which lasted till the afternoon of the 5th, attended with hazy weather. It then again altered its direction to the South East, became more moderate, and was accompanied by heavy showers of rain. During all this time, we kept steering to the North West, against a slow but regular current from that quarter, which caused a constant variation from our reckoning by the log, of fifteen miles a day. On the 4th, being then in the latitude 26° 17′, and longitude 173° 30′, we passed prodigious quantities of what sailors call Portuguese men-of-war (holothuria physalis), and were also accompanied with a great number of sea birds, amongst which we observed, for the first time, the albatross and sheerwater.

      On the 6th, at noon, we lost the trade wind, and were suddenly taken a-back, with the wind from the North North West. At this time, our latitude was 29° 50′, and our longitude 170° 1′. As the old running ropes were constantly breaking in the late gales, we reeved what new ones we had left, and made such other preparations, as were necessary for the very different climate with which we were now shortly to encounter. The fine weather we met with between the tropics, had not been idly spent. The carpenters found sufficient employment in repairing the boats. The best bower cable had been so much damaged

by the foul ground in Karakakooa Bay, and whilst we were at anchor off Oneeheow, that we were obliged to cut forty fathoms from it; in converting of which, with other old cordage, into spun-yarn, and applying it to different uses, a considerable part of the people were kept constantly employed by the boatswain. The airing of sails and other stores, which, from the leakiness of the decks and sides of the ships, were perpetually subject to be wet, had now become a frequent as well as a laborious and troublesome part of our duty.

      Besides these cares, which had regard only to the ships themselves, there were others, which had for their object the preservation of the health of the crews, that furnished a constant occupation to a great number of our hands. The Standing orders, established by Captain Cook, of airing the bedding, placing fires between decks, washing them with vinegar, and smoking them with gunpowder, were observed without any intermission. For some time past, even the operation of mending the sailors old jackets had risen into a duty both of difficulty and importance. It may be necessary to inform those who are unacquainted with the disposition and habits of seamen, that they are so accustomed in ships of war to be directed in the care of themselves by their officers, that they lose the very idea of foresight, and contract the thoughtlessness of infants. I am sure, that if our people had been left to their own discretion alone, we should have had the whole crew naked, before the voyage had been half finished. It was natural to expect, that their experience, during our voyage to the North last year, would have made them sensible of the necessity of paying some attention to these matters; but if such reflections ever occurred to them, their impression was

so transitory, that, upon our return to the tropical climates, their fur jackets, and the rest of their cold country clothes, were kicked about the decks as things of no value; though it was generally known, in both ships, that we were to make another voyage toward the pole. They were, of course, picked up by the officers; and, being put into casks, restored about this time to the owners.

      In the afternoon, we observed some of the sheathing floating by the ship; and, on examination, found that twelve or fourteen feet had been washed off from under the larboard-bow, where we supposed the leak to have been; which, ever since our leaving Sandwich Islands, had kept the people almost constantly at the pumps, making twelve inches water an hour. This day we saw a number of small crabs, of a pale blue colour; and had again, in company, a few albatrosses and sheerwaters. The thermometer, in the night-time, sunk eleven degrees; and although it still remained as high as 59°, yet we suffered much from the cold; our feelings being, as yet, by no means, reconciled to that degree of temperature.

      The wind continued blowing fresh from the North, till the eighth, in the morning, when it became more moderate, with fair weather, and gradually changed its direction to the East, and afterward to the South.

      On the ninth, at noon, our latitude was 32° 16′; our longitude 166° 40′; and the variation 8° 30′ East. And on the tenth, having crossed the track of the Spanish galleons from the Manillas to Acapulco, we expected to have fallen in with the Island of Rica de Plata, which, according to De Lisle's chart, in which the route of those ships is laid down, ought to have been in sight; its latitude, as there

given, being 33° 30′ North, and its longitude 166° East. Notwithstanding we were so far advanced to the Northward, we saw this day a tropic bird, and also several other kinds of sea-birds; such as puffins, sea-parrots, sheerwaters, and albatrosses.

      On the eleventh, at noon, we were in latitude 35° 30′, longitude 165° 45′; and during the course of the day, had sea-birds, as before, and passed several bunches of sea-weed. About the same time, the Discovery passed a log of wood; but no other signs of land were seen.

      The next day the wind came gradually round to the East, and increased to so strong a gale, as obliged us to strike our top-gallant yards, and brought us under the lower sails, and the main top-sail close reefed. Unfortunately we were upon that tack, which was the most disadvantageous for our leak. But, as we had always been able to keep it under with the hand-pumps, it gave us no great uneasiness, till the 13th, about six in the afternoon, when we were greatly alarmed by a sudden inundation, that deluged the whole space between decks. The water, which had lodged in the coal-hole, not finding a sufficient vent into the well, had forced up the platforms over it, and in a moment set every thing afloat. Our situation was indeed exceedingly distressing; nor did we immediately see any means of relieving ourselves. A pump, through the upper decks into the coalhole, could answer no end, as it would very soon have been choaked up by the small coals; and, to bale the water out with buckets, was become impracticable, from the number of bulky materials that were washed out of the gunner's store-room into it, and which, by the ship's motion, were tossed violently from side to side. No other method was

therefore left, but to cut a hole through the bulk-head (or partition) that separated the coal-hole from the fore-hold, and by that means to make a passage for the body of water into the well. However, before that could be done, it was necessary to get the casks of dry provisions out of the forehold, which kept us employed the greatest part of the night; so that the carpenters could not get at the partition till the next morning. As soon as a passage was made, the greatest part of the water emptied itself into the well, and enabled us to get out the rest with buckets. But the leak was now so much increased, that we were obliged to keep one half of the people constantly pumping and baleing, till the noon of the 15th. Our men bore, with great cheerfulness, this excessive fatigue, which was much increased by their having no dry place to sleep in; and, on this account, we began to serve their full allowance of grog.

      The weather now becoming more moderate, and the swell less heavy, we were enabled to clear away the rest of the casks from the fore-hold, and to open a sufficient passage for the water to the pumps. This day we saw a greenish piece of drift-wood, and fancying the water coloured, we sounded, but got no bottom with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line. Our latitude, at noon this day, was 41° 52′, longitude 161° 15′; variation 6°30′ East; and the wind soon after veering to the Northward, we altered our course three points to the West.

      On the 16th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 42° 12′, and in the longitude of 160°5′; and as we were now approaching the place where a great extent of land is said to have been seen by De Gama, we were glad of the opportunity which the course we were steering gave, of contributing to remove the doubts, if any should be still en-

tertained, respecting the falsehood of this pretended discovery. For it is to be observed, that no one has ever yet been able to find who John de Gama was, when he lived, or what year this pretended discovery was made.

      According to Mr. Muller, the first account of it given to the Public was in a chart published by Texeira, a Portugueze geographer, in 1649, who places it in ten or twelve degrees to the North East of Japan, between the latitudes of 44° and 45°; and announce it to be land seen by John de Gama, the Indian, in a voyage from China to New Spain. On what grounds the French geographers have since removed it five degrees to the Eastward, does not appear; except we suppose it to have been in order to make room for another discovery of the same kind made by the Dutch, called Company's Land; of which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

      During the whole day, the wind was exceedingly unsettled, being seldom steady to two or three points; and blowing in fresh gusts, which were succeeded by dead calms. These were not unpromising appearances; but, after standing off and on, the whole of this day, without seeing any thing of the land, we again steered to the Northward, not thinking it worth our while to lose time in search of an object, the opinion of whose existence had been already pretty generally exploded. Our people were employed the whole of the 16th, in getting their wet things to dry, and in airing the ships below.

      We now began to feel very sharply the increasing inclemency of the Northern climate. In the morning of the 18th, our latitude being 45° 40′, and our longitude 160° 25′, we had snow and sleet, accompanied with strong gales from the South West. This circumstance will ap-

pear very remarkable, if we consider the season of the year, and the quarter from which the wind blew. On the 19th, the thermometer, in the day-time, remained at the freezing point, and at four in the morning fell to 29°. If the reader will take the trouble to compare the degree of heat, during the hot sultry weather we had at the beginning of this month, with the extreme cold which we now endured, he will conceive how severely so rapid a change must have been felt by us.

      In the gale of the 18th, we had split almost all the sails we had bent, which being our second best suit, we were now reduced to make use of our last and best set. To add to Captain Clerke's difficulties, the sea was in general so rough, and the ships so leaky, that the sail-makers had no place to repair the sails in, except his apartments, which, in his declining state of health, was a serious inconvenience to him.

      On the 20th, at noon, being in latitude 49° 45′ North, and longitude 161° 15′ East; and eagerly expecting to fall in with the coast of Asia, the wind shifted suddenly to the North, and continued in the same quarter the following day. However, although it retarded our progress, yet the fair weather it brought was no small refreshment to us. In the forenoon of the 21 st, we saw a whale, and a land-bird; and, in the afternoon, the water looking muddy, we sounded, but got no ground with an hundred and forty fathoms of line. During the three preceding days, we saw large flocks of wild-fowl, of a species resembling ducks. This is usually considered as a proof of the vicinity of land; but we had no other signs of it, since the 16th; in which time we had run upward of an hundred and fifty leagues.

      On the 22d, the wind shifted to the North East, attended with misty weather. The cold was exceedingly severe, and the ropes were so frozen, that it was with difficulty we could force them through the blocks. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 51° 38′, longitude 160° 7′; and on comparing our present position with that given to the Southern parts of Kamtschatka, in the Russian charts, Captain Clerke did not think it prudent to run on toward the land all night. We therefore tacked at ten; and, having sounded, had ground agreeably to our conjectures, with seventy fathoms of line.

      On the 23d, at six in the morning, being in latitude 52° 09′!, and longitude 160° 07′, on the fog clearing away, the land appeared in mountains covered with snow; and extending from North three quarters East, to South West, a high conical rock, bearing South West, three quarters West, at three or four leagues distance. We had no sooner taken this imperfect view, than we were again covered with a thick fog. Being now, according to our maps, only eight leagues from the entrance of Awatska Bay, as soon as the weather cleared up, we stood in to take a nearer view of the land; and a more dismal and dreary prospect I never beheld. The coast appears straight and uniform, having no inlets or bays; the ground, from the shore, rises in hills of a moderate elevation, behind which are ranges of mountains, whose summits were lost in the clouds. The whole scene was entirely covered with snow, except the sides of some of the cliffs, which rose too abruptly from the sea for the snow to lie upon them.

      The wind continued blowing very strong from the North East, with thick hazy weather and sleet, from the 24th till the 28th. During the whole time, the thermometer was never higher than 30 ½°. The ship appeared to be a com-

plete mass of ice; the shrowds were so incrusted with it, as to measure in circumference more than double their usual size; and, in short, the experience of the oldest seaman among us, had never met with any thing like the continued showers of sleet, and the extreme cold, which we now encountered. Indeed the severity of the weather, added to the great difficulty of working the ships, and the labour of keeping the pumps constantly going, rendered the service too hard for many of the crew, some of whom were frostbitten, and others laid up with bad colds. We continued all this time standing four hours on each tack, having generally soundings of sixty fathoms, when about three leagues from the land; but none at twice that distance. On the 25th, we had a transient view of the entrance of Awatska Bay; but, in the present state of the weather, we were afraid of venturing into it. Upon our standing off again, we lost sight of the Discovery; but, as we were now so near the place of rendezvous, this gave us no great uneasiness.

      On the 28th, in the morning, the weather at last cleared, and the wind fell to a light breeze from the same quarter as before. We had a fine warm day; and, as we now began to expect a thaw, the men were employed in breaking the ice from off the rigging, masts, and sails, in order to prevent its falling on our heads. At noon, being in the latitude of 52° 44′ and the longitude of 159°, the entrance of Awatska Bay bore North West, distant three or four leagues; and, about three in the afternoon, a fair wind sprung up from the Southward, with which we stood in, having regular soundings, from twenty-two to seven fathoms.

      The mouth of the bay opens in a North North West direction. The land, on the South side, is of a moderate height; to the Northward, it rises into a bluff head, which is the highest part of the coast. In the channel between them, near the North East side, lie three remarkable rocks; and, farther in, near the opposite coast, a single detached rock of a considerable size. On the North head there is a look-out house, which, when the Russians expect any of their ships upon the coast, is used as a light-house. There was a flag·staff on it; but we saw no sign of any person being there.

      Having passed the mouth of the bay, which is about four miles long, we opened a large circular bason of twenty-five miles in circumference; and, at half past four, came to an anchor in six fathoms water, being afraid of running foul on a shoal, or some sunk rocks, which are said by Muller ^*, to lie in the channel of the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul. The middle of the bay was full of loose ice, drifting with the tide; but the shores were still entirely blocked up with it. Great flocks of wild-fowl were seen of various species; likewise ravens, eagles, and large flights of Greenland pigeons. We examined every corner of the bay, with our glasses, in search of the town of St. Peter and St. Paul; which, according to the accounts given us at Oonalaska, we had conceived to be a place of some strength and consideration. At length we discovered, on a narrow point of land to the North North East, a few miserable log-houses, and some conical huts, raised on poles, amounting in all to about thirty; which, from their situation, notwithstanding all the respect we wished to entertain for a Russian ostrog,,

we were under the necessity of concluding to be Petropaulowska. However, in justice to the generous and hospitable treatment we found here, I shall beg leave to anticipate the reader's curiosity, by assuring him, that our disappointment proved to be more of a laughable than a serious nature. For, in this wretched extremity of the earth, situated beyond every thing that we conceived to be most barbarous and inhospitable, and, as it were, out of the very reach of civilization, barricaded with ice, and covered with summer snow, in a poor miserable port, far inferior to the meanest of our fishing towns, we met with feelings of humanity, joined to a greatness of mind, and elevation of sentiment, which would have done honour to any nation or climate.

      During the night, much ice drifted by us with the tide, and at day-light I was sent with the boats to examine the bay, and deliver the letters we had brought from Oonalashka to the Russian Commander. We directed our course toward the village I have just mentioned, and having proceeded as sar as we were able with the boats, we got upon the ice, which extended near half a mile from the shore. Mr. Webber, and two of the seamen, accompanied me, whilst the Master took the pinnace and cutter to finish the survey, leaving the jolly-boat behind to carry us back.

      I believe the inhabitants had not yet seen either the ship or the boats; for even after we had got on the ice, we could not perceive any signs of a living creature in the town. By the time we had advanced a little way on the ice, we observed a few men hurrying backward and forward, and presently after, a sledge, drawn by dogs with one of the inhabitants in it, came down to the sea-side, opposite to us.

Whilst we were gazing at this unusual sight, and admiring the great civility of this stranger, which we imagined had brought him to our assistance, the man, after viewing us for some time very attentively, turned short round, and went off, with great speed, toward the ostrog. We were not less chagrined than disappointed at this abrupt departure, as we began to find our journey over the ice, attended not only with great difficulty, but even with danger. We sunk at every step almost knee deep in the snow, and though we found tolerable footing at the bottom, yet the weak parts of the ice not being discoverable, we were constantly exposed to the risk of breaking through it. This accident at last actually happened to myself; for stepping on quickly over a suspicious spot, in order to press with less weight upon it, I came upon a second, before I could stop myself, which broke under me, and in I fell. Luckily, I rose clear of the ice, and a man that was a little way behind with a boat-hook, throwing it to me, I laid it across some loose pieces near me, and, by that means, was enabled to get upon firm ice again.

      As we approached the shore, we found the ice, contrary to our expectations, more broken than it had been before. We were, however, again comforted by the sight of another sledge coming toward us, but instead of proceeding to our relief, the driver stopt short, and began to call out to us. I immediately held up to him Ismyloff's letters; upon which he turned about, and set off back again full speed; followed, I believe, not with the prayers of any of our party. Being at a great loss what conclusions to draw from this unaccountable behaviour, we continued our march toward the ostrog, with great circumspection, and when we had arrived within a quarter of a mile of it, we perceived a body

of armed men marching toward us. That we might give them as little alarm, and have as peaceable an appearance as possible, the two men who had boat-hooks in their hands, were ordered into the rear, and Mr. Webber and myself marched in front. The Russian party, consisting of about thirty soldiers, was headed by a decent looking person, with a cane in his hand. He halted within a few yards of us, and drew up his men in a martial and good order. I delivered to him Ismyloff's letters, and endeavoured to make him understand, as well as I could (though I afterward found in vain), that we were English, and had brought them papers from Oonalashka. After having examined us attentively, he began to conduct us toward the village, in great silence and solemnity, frequently halting his men, to form them in different manners, and make them perform several parts of their manual exercise, probably with a view to shew us, that if we had the temerity to offer any violence we should have to deal with men who were not ignorant of their business.

      Though I was all this time in my wet clothes, shivering with cold, and sufficiently inclined to the most unconditional submission, without having my fears violently alarmed; yet it was impossible not to be diverted with this military parade, notwithstanding it was attended with the most unseasonable delay. At length, we arrived at the house of the Commanding Officer of the party, into which we were ushered; and, after no small stir in giving orders, and disposing of the military without doors, our host made his appearance, accompanied by another person, whom we understood to be the Secretary of the port. One of Ismyloff's letters was now opened, and the other sent off, by a special messenger, to Bolcheretsk, a town on the West side of the

peninsula of Kamtschatka, where the Russian Commander of this province usually resides.

      It is very remarkable, that they had not seen the ship the preceding day, when we came to anchor in the bay, nor indeed this morning, till our boats were pretty near the ice. The panic with which the discovery had struck them, we found, had been very considerable. The garrison was immediately put under arms. Two small field-pieces were placed at the entrance of the Commander's house, and pointed toward our boats; and shot, powder, and lighted matches were all ready at hand.

      The officer, in whose house we were at present entertained, was a Serjeant, and the Commander of the ostrog. Nothing could exceed the kindness and hospitality of his behaviour, after he had recovered from the alarm occasioned by our arrival. We found the house insufferably hot, but exceedingly neat and clean. After I had changed my clothes, which the Serjeant's civility enabled me to do, by furnishing me with a complete suit of his own, we were invited to sit down to dinner, which I have no doubt was the best he could procure; and, considering the shortness of time he had to provide it, was managed with some ingenuity. As there was not time to prepare soup and bouilli, we had, in their stead, some cold beef sliced, with hot water poured over it. We had next a large bird roasted, of a species with which I was unacquainted, but of a very excellent taste. After having eaten a part of this, it was taken off, and we were served with fish dressed two different ways; and, soon after, the bird again made its appearance, in savory and sweet patés. Our liquor, of which I shall have to speak hereafter, was of the kind called by the Russians quass, and

was much the worst part of the entertainment. The Serjeant's wife brought in several of the dishes herself, and was not permitted to sit down at table. Having finished our repast, during which it is hardly necessary to remark, that our conversation was confined to a few bows, and other signs of mutual respect, we endeavoured to open to our host the cause and objects of our visit to this port. As Ismyloff had probably written to them on the same subject, in the letters we had before delivered, he appeared very readily to conceive our meaning; but as there was unfortunately no one in the place that could talk any other language except Russian or Kamtschadale, we found the utmost difficulty in comprehending the information he meant to convey to us. After some time spent in these endeavours to understand one another, we conceived the sum of the intelligence we had procured to be, that though no supply, either of provisions or naval stores were to be had at this place, yet that these articles were in great plenty at Bolcheretsk. That the Commander would, most probably, be very willing to give us what we wanted; but that, till the Serjeant had received orders from him, neither he nor his people, nor the natives, could even venture to go on board the ship.

      It was now time for us to take our leave; and, as my clothes were still too wet to put on, I was obliged to have recourse again to the Serjeant's benevolence, for his leave to carry those I had borrowed of him on board. This request was complied with very cheerfully, and a sledge, drawn by five dogs, with a driver, was immediately provided for each of our party. The sailors were highly delighted with this mode of conveyance; and what diverted them still more was, that the two boat-hooks had also a sledge appropriated to themselves. These sledges are so light, and their con-

struction so well adapted to the purposes for which they are intended, that they went with great expedition, and perfect safety, over the ice, which it would have been impossible for us, with all our caution, to have passed on foot.

      On our return, we found the boats towing the ship toward the village; and at seven we got close to the ice, and moored with the small bower to the North East, and best bower to the South West; the entrance of the bay bearing South by East, and South three-quarters East; and the ostrog North, one quarter East, distant one mile and a half. The next morning, the casks and cables were got upon the quarter-deck, in order to lighten the ship forward; and the carpenters were set to work to stop the leak, which had given us so much trouble during our last run. It was found to have been occasioned by the falling of some sheathing from the larboard-bow, and the oakum between the planks having been washed out. The warm weather we had in the middle of the day, began to make the ice break away very fast, which, drifting with the tide, had almost filled up the entrance of the bay. Several of our gentlemen paid their visits to the Serjeant, by whom they were received with great civility; and Captain Clerke sent him two bottles of rum which he understood would be the most acceptable present he could make him, and received in return some fine fowls of the grouse kind, and twenty trouts. Our sportsmen met with but bad success; for though the bay swarmed with flocks of ducks of various kinds, and Greenland pigeons, yet they were so shy, that they could not come within shot of them.

      In the morning of the 1st of May, seeing the Discovery standing into the bay, a boat was immediately sent to her

assistance; and in the afternoon, she moored close by us. They told us, that after the weather cleared up on the 28th, the day on which she had parted company, they found themselves to leeward of the bay, and that, when they got abreast of it, the following day, and saw the entrance choaked up with ice, they stood off, after firing guns, concluding we could not be here; but finding afterward it was only loose drift-ice, they had ventured in. The next day, the weather was so very unsettled, attended with heavy showers of snow, that the carpenters were not able to proceed in their work. The thermometer stood at 28° in the evening, and the frost was exceedingly severe in the night.

      The following morning, on our observing two sledges drive into the village, Captain Clerke sent me on shore, to inquire whether any message was arrived from the Commander of Kamtschatka, which, according to the serjeant's account, might now be expected, in consequence of the intelligence that had been sent of our arrival. Bolcheretsk, by the usual route, is about one hundred and thirty-five English miles from Saint Peter and Saint Paul's. Our dispatches were sent off in a sledge drawn by dogs, on the 29th, about noon. And the answer arrived, as we afterward found, early this morning; so that they were only a little more than three days and a half in performing a journey of two hundred and seventy miles.

      The return of the Commander's answer was, however, concealed from us for the present; and I was told, on my arrival at the serjeant's, that we should hear from him the next day. Whilst I was on shore, the boat, which had brought me, together with another belonging to the Discovery, were set fast in the ice, which a Southerly wind had

driven from the other side of the bay. On seeing them entangled, the Discovery's launch had been sent to their assistance, but soon shared the same fate; and, in a short time, the ice had surrounded them near a quarter of a mile deep. This obliged us to stay on shore till evening, when finding no prospect of getting the boats off, some of us went in sledges to the edge of the ice, and were taken off by boats sent from the ship, and the rest staid on shore all night.

      It continued to freeze hard during the night; but, before morning, on the 4th, a change of wind drifted away the floating ice, and set the boats at liberty, without their having sustained the smallest damage.

      About ten o'clock in the forenoon, we saw several sledges driving down the edge of the ice, and sent a boat to conduct the persons who were in them on board. One of these was a Russian merchant from Bolcheretsk, named Fedositsch, and the other a German, called Port, who had brought a letter from Major Behm, the Commander of Kamtschatka, to Captain Clerke. When they got to the edge of the ice, and saw distinctly the size of the ships, which lay within about two hundred yards from them, they appeared to be exceedingly alarmed; and, before they would venture to embark, desired two of our boat's crew might be left on shore as hostages for their safety. We afterward found, that Ismyloff, in his letter to the commander, had misrepresented us, for what reasons we could not conceive, as two small trading boats, and that the serjeant, who had only seen the ships at a distance, had not, in his dispatches, rectified the mistake.

      When they arrived on board, we still found, from their cautious and timorous behaviour, that they were under some unaccountable apprehensions; and an uncommon de-

gree of satisfaction was visible in their countenances, on the German's finding a person amongst us, with whom he could converse. This was Mr. Webber, who spoke that language perfectly well; and at last, though with some difficulty, convinced them, that we were Englishmen, and friends. Mr. Port being introduced to Captain Clerke, delivered to him the Commander's letter, which was written in German, and was merely complimental, inviting him and his officers to Bolcheretsk, to which place the people, who brought it, were to conduct us. Mr. Port, at the same time, acquainted him, that the Major had conceived a very wrong idea of the size of the ships, and of the service we were engaged in Ismyloff, in his letter, having represented us as two small English pacquet boats, and cautioned him to be on his guard; insinuating, that he suspected us to be no better than pirates. In consequence of this letter, he said, there had been various conjectures formed about us at Bolcheretsk: that the Major thought it most probable we were on a trading scheme, and for that reason had sent down a merchant to us; but that the officer, who was second in command, was of opinion we were French, and come with some hostile intention, and were for taking measures accordingly. It had required, he added, all the Major's authority to keep the inhabitants from leaving the town, and retiring up into the country; to so extraordinary a pitch had their fears risen, from their persuasion that we were French.

      Their extreme apprehensions of that nation were principally occasioned, by some circumstances attending an insurrection that had happened at Bolcheretsk, a few years before, in which the Commander had lost his life. We were informed, that an exiled Polish officer, named Beniowski, taking advantage of the confusion into which the town was

thrown, had seized upon a galliot, then lying at the entrance of the Bolschoireeka, and had forced on board a number of Russian sailors, sufficient to navigate her: that he had put on shore a part of the crew at the Kourile Islands; and, among the rest, Ismyloff, who, as the reader will recollect, had puzzled us exceedingly, at Oonalashka, with the history of this transaction; though, for want of understanding his language, we could not then make out all the circumstances attending it: that he passed in sight of Japan; made Luconia; and was there directed how to steer to Canton: that, arriving there, he had applied to the French, and had got a passage in one of their India ships to France: and that most of the Russians had likewise returned to Europe in French ships; and had afterward found their way to Petersburg. We met with three of Beniowski's crew in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and from them we learnt the circumstances of the above story.

      On our arrival at Canton, we received a farther corroboration of the facts, from the gentlemen of the English factory, who told us, that a person had arrived there in a Russian galliot, who said he came from Kamtschatka; and that he had been furnished by the French factory, with a passage to Europe ^*.

      We could not help being much diverted with the fears and apprehensions of these good people, and particularly with the account M Port gave us of the serjeant's wary proceedings the day before. On seeing me come, on shore, in company with some other gentlemen, he had made him and the merchant, who arrived in the sledges we had seen come

in the morning, hide themselves in his kitchen, and listen to our conversation with one another, in hopes, that by this means, they might discover whether we were really English or not.

      As we concluded, from the commission and dress of M. Port, that he might probably be the Commander's secretary, he was received as such, and invited, with his companion, the merchant, to dine with Captain Clerke: and though we soon began to suspect, from the behaviour of the latter toward him, that he was only a common servant, yet this being no time to sacrifice our little comforts to our pride, we prevented an explanation, by not suffering the question to be put to him; and, in return for the satisfaction we reaped from his abilities as a linguist, we continued to let him live on a footing of equality with us.

CHAP. II.

Scarcity of Provisons and Stores at the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.—A Party set out to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk.—Passage up the River Awatska.—Account of their Reception by the Toion of Karatchin.—Description of a Kamtschadale Dress.— Journey on Sledges.— Description of this Mode of Travelling.—Arrival at Natcheekin.—Account of hot Springs.—Embark on the Bolchoireka.—Reception at the Capital.—Generous and hospitable Conduct of the Commander and the Garrison.—Description of Bolcheretsk.—Presents from the Commander.—Russian and Kamtschadale Dancing.—Affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk. Return to Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the Ships.—Generosity of the Sailors.—Dispatches sent by Major Behm to Petersburg.—His Departure and Character.

Being now enabled to converse with the Russians, by the aid of our interpreter, with tolerable facility, our first inquiries were directed to the means of procuring a supply of fresh provisions, and naval stores; from the want of which latter article, in particular, we had been for some time in great distress. On inquiry, it appeared, that the whole stock of live cattle, which the country about the bay

could furnish, amounted only to two heifers; and these the serjeant very readily promised to procure us. Our applications were next made to the merchant, but we found the terms, upon which he offered to serve us, so exorbitant, that Captain Clerke thought it necessary to send an officer to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk, and to inquire into the price of stores at that place. As soon as this determination was communicated to Mr. Port, he dispatched an express to the Commander, to inform him of our intentions, and, at the same time, to clear us from the suspicions that were entertained with respect to the designation and purposes of our voyage.

      Captain Clerke having thought proper to fix on me for this service, I received orders, together with Mr. Webber, who was to accompany me as interpreter, to be ready to set out the next day. It proved, however, too stormy, as did also the 6th, for beginning a journey through so wild and desolate a country; but, on the 7th, the weather appearing more favourable, we set out early in the morning in the ship's boats, with a view to reach the entrance of the Awatska at high water, on account of the shoals with which the mouth of that river abounds: here the country boats were to meet us, and carry us up the stream.

      Captain Gore was now added to our party, and we were attended by Messrs. Port and Fedositsch, with two cossacks, and were provided, by our conductors, with warm furred clothing; a precaution which we soon found very necessary, as it began to snow briskly just after we set out. At eight o'clock, being stopped by shoal water, about a mile from the mouth of the river, some small canoes, belonging to the Kamtschadales, took up us and our baggage, and

carried us over a spit of sand, which is thrown up by the rapidity of the river, and which, they told us, was continually shifting, When we had crossed this shoal, the water again deepened; and here we found a commodious boat, built and shaped like a Norway yawl, ready to convey us up the river, together with canoes for our baggage.

      The mouth of the Awatska is about a quarter of a mile broad; and as we advanced, it narrowed very gradually. After we had proceeded a few miles, we passed several branches, which, we were told, emptied themselves into other parts of the bay; and that some of those on the left hand, flowed into the Paratounca river. Its general direction from the bay, for the. first ten miles, is to the North, after which it turns to the. Westward: this bend excepted, it preserves, for the most part, a straight course; and the country, through which it slows, to the distance of near thirty miles from the sea, is low and flat, and subject: to frequent inundations. We were pushed forward by six men, with long poles, three at each end of the boat; two of whom were cossacks, the others Kamtschadales; and advanced against a strong stream, at the rate, as well as I could judge, of about three miles an hour. Our Kamtschadales bore this severe labour, with great stoutness, for ten hours; during which we stopped only once, and that for a short time, whilst they took some little refreshment. As we had been told, at our first setting out in the morning, that we should easily reach an Ostrog, called Karatchin, the same night, we were much disappointed to find ourselves, at sun set, fifteen miles from that place. This we attributed to the delay occasioned in passing the shoals we had met with, both at the entrance of the river, and in several other places, as we proceeded up it: for our boat being the first that had passed up

the river, the guides were not acquainted with the situation of the shifting sand-banks, and unfortunately the snow not having yet begun to melt, the shallowness of the river was at its extreme.

      The fatigue our men had already undergone, and the difficulty of navigating the river, which would have beenmuch increased by the darkness of the night, obliged us to give up all thoughts of continuing our journey that evening. Having therefore found a place tolerably sheltered, and cleared it of the snow, we erected a small marquée, which we had brought with us; and, by the assistance of a brisk fire, and some good punch, passed the night not very unpleasantly. The only inconvenience we laboured under was, the being obliged to make the fire at some distance from us. For, although the ground was, to all appearance, dry enough before, yet when the fire was lighted, it soon thawed all the parts round it into an absolute puddle. We admired much the alertness and expedition with which the Kamtschadales erected our marquée, and cooked our provisions; but what was most unexpected, we found they had brought with them their tea-kettles, considering it as the greatest of hardships not to drink tea two or three times a day.

      We set out as soon as it was light, in the morning, and had not advanced far, before we were met by the Toion, or Chief of Karatchin, who had been apprized of our coming, and had provided canoes that were lighter, and better contrived for navigating the higher parts of the river. A commodious vessel, consisting of two canoes, lashed close together with cross spars, lined with bear-skins, and furnished with fur cloaks, was also provided for us. We now

went on very rapidly, the Toion's people being both stout and fresh, and remarkable for their expertness in this business. At ten we got to the Ostrog, the seat of his command, where we were received at the water-side by the Kamtschadale men and women, and some Russian servants belonging to Fedofitsch, who were employed in making canoes. They were all dressed out in their best clothes. Those of the women were pretty and gay, consisting of a full loose robe, of white nankeen, gathered close round the neck, and fastened with a collar of coloured silk. Over this they wore a short jacket, without sleeves, made of different coloured nankeens, and petticoats of a slight Chinese silk. Their shifts, which had sleeves down to the wrists, were also of silk; and coloured silk handkerchiefs were bound round their heads, concealing entirely the hair of the married women, whilst those who were unmarried, brought the handkerchief under the hair, and suffered it to flow loose behind.

      This ostrog was pleasantly situated by the side of the river; and consisted of three log-houses; three jourts, or houses made under ground; and nineteen balagans, or summer habitations. We were conducted to the dwelling of the Toion, who was a plain decent man, born of a Russian woman, by a Kamtschadale father. His house, like all the rest in this country, was divided into two apartments. A long narrow table, with a bench round it, was all the furniture we saw in the outer; and the household stuff of the inner, which was the kitchen, was not less simple and scanty. But the kind attention of our host, and the hearty welcome we received, more than compensated for the poverty of his lodgings.

      His wife proved an excellent cook; and served us with fish and game of different sorts, and various kinds of heathberries, that had been kept since the last year. Whilst we were at dinner in this miserable hut, the guests of a people, with whose existence we had before been scarce acquainted, and at the extremity of the habitable globe, a solitary, halfworn pewter spoon, whose shape was familiar to us, attracted our attention; and, on examination, we found it stamped on the back with the word London. I cannot pass over this circumstance in silence, out of gratitude for the many pleasant thoughts, the anxious hopes, and tender remembrances it excited in us. Those, who have experienced the effects that long absence and extreme distance from their native country produce on the mind, will readily conceive the pleasure such trifling incidents can give. To the philosopher and the politician they may perhaps suggest reflections of a different nature.

      We were now to quit the river, and perform the next part of our journey on sledges; but the thaw had been too powerful in the day-time, to allow us to set out, till the cold of the evening had again made the surface of the snow hard and firm. This gave us an opportunity of walking about the village, which was the only place we had yet seen free from snow since we landed in this country. It stood upon a well-wooded flat, of about a mile and a half in circumference. The leaves were just budding, and the verdure of the whole scene was strongly contrasted with the sides of the surrounding hills, which were still covered with snow. As the soil appeared to me very capable of producing all the common sorts of garden vegetables, I was greatly surprised not to find the smallest spot any where cultivated. If to this we add, that none of the inhabitants were possessed of cattle of any sort, nothing can be well conceived more

wretched than their situation must be during the winter months. They were at this time removing from their jourts into their balagans, which afforded us an opportunity of examining both these sorts of habitations; and they will be hereafter more particularly described. The people invited us into their houses with great good humour; a general air of cheerfulness and content was every where visible, to which the approaching change of season might probably not a little contribute.

      On our return to the Toion's, we found supper prepared for us, which differed in nothing from our former repast; and concluded with our treating the Toion and his wife with some of the spirits, we had brought with us, made into punch. Captain Gore, who had great generosity on all occasions, having afterward made them some valuable presents, they retired to the kitchen, leaving us in possession of the outward room, where, spreading our bear-skins on the benches, we were glad to get a little repose, having settled with our conductors to resume our journey, as soon as the ground should be judged fit for travelling.

      About nine o'clock, the same evening, we were awakened by the melancholy howlings of the dogs, which continued all the time our baggage was lashing upon the sledges; but, as soon as they were yoked, and we were all prepared to set out, this changed into a light cheerful yelping, which intirely ceased the instant they marched off. But, before we set out, the Reader may expect to be made more particularly acquainted with this curious mode of travelling.

      The figure of the sledges will be best conceived by the annexed engraving, which was taken from one I brought over with me, that is now in the possession of Sir Ashton Lever. The body is about four feet and a half long, and a foot wide, made in the form of a crescent, of light tough

wood, strongly bound together with wicker work; which in those belonging to the better sort of people is elegantly stained of a red and blue colour, and the seat covered with bearskins, or other furs. It is supported by four legs, about two feet high, which rest on two long flat pieces of wood, five or six inches broad, extending a foot at each end beyond the body of the sledge. These are turned up before in the manner of a skate, and shod with the bone of some sea animal. The fore-part of the carriage is ornamented with thongs of leather and tassels of coloured cloth; and from the cross bar, to which the harness is joined, are hung links of iron, or small bells, the jingling of which they conceive to be encouraging to the dogs. They are seldom used to carry more than one person at a time, who sits aside, resting his feet on the lower part of the sledge, and carrying his provisions and other necessaries, wrapped up in a bundle, behind him. The dogs are usually five in number, yoked two and two, with a leader. The reins not being fastened to the head of the dogs, but to the collar, have little power over them, and are therefore generally hung upon the sledge, whilst the driver depends entirely on their obedience to his voice for the direction of them. With this view, the leader is always trained up with a particular degree of care and attention; some of them rising to a most extraordinary value on account of their docility and steadiness; insomuch, that for one of these, I am well assured, forty roubles (or ten pounds) was no unusual price. The driver is also provided with a crooked stick, which answers the purpose both of whip and reins; as by striking it into the snow, he is enabled to moderate the speed of the dogs, or even to stop them entirely; and when they are lazy, or otherwise inattentive to his voice, he chastises them by throwing it at them. Upon these occasions, their dexterity in picking it up again is very remarkable,

and forms the principal difficulty of their art. But it is indeed not surprising, that they should labour to be skilful in a practice upon which their safety so materially depends. For they say, that if the driver should happen to lose his stick, the dogs will instantly perceive it; and unless their leader be of the most sober and resolute kind, they will immediately run a-head full speed, and never stop till they are quite spent. But as that will not be the case soon, it generally happens, that either the carriage is overturned, and dashed to pieces against the trees, or they hurry down some precipice, and are all buried in the snow. The accounts that were given us of the speed of these dogs, and of their extraordinary patience of hunger and fatigue, were scarcely credible, if they had not been supported by the best authority. We were indeed ourselves witnesses of the great expedition with which the messenger, who had been dispatched to Bolcheretsk with the news of our arrival, returned to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, though the snow was, at this time, exceedingly soft. But I was informed, by the Commander of Kamtschatka, that this journey was generally performed in two days and a half; and that he had once received an express from the latter place in twenty-three hours.

      The dogs are fed, during the winter, on the offals of dried and stinking fish; but are always deprived of this miserable food, a day before they set out on a journey, and never suffered to eat before they reach the end of it. We were also told, that it was not unusual for them to continue thus fasting two entire days, in which time they would perform a journey of one hundred and twenty miles ^*. These

dogs are, in shape, somewhat like the Pomeranian breed, but considerably larger.

      As we did not choose to trust to our own skill, we had each of us a man to drive and guide the sledge, which, from the state the roads were now in, proved a very laborious business. For, as the thaw had advanced very confiderably in the vallies, through which our road lay, we were under the necessity of keeping along the sides of the hills; and this obliged our guides, who were provided with snowshoes for that purpose, to support the sledges, on the lower side, with their shoulders, for several miles together. I had a very good-humoured Cossack to attend me, who was, however, so very unskilful in his business, that we were overturned almost every minute, to the great entertainment of the rest of the company. Our party consisted, in all, of ten sledges. That in which Captain Gore was carried, was made of two lashed together, and abundantly provided with furs and bear-skins; it had ten dogs, yoked four abreast; as had also some of those that were heavy laden with baggage.

      When we had proceeded about four miles, it began to rain; which, added to the darkness of the night, threw us all into confusion. It was at last agreed, that we should remain, where we were, till day-light; and accordingly we came to anchor in the snow (for I cannot better express the manner in which the sledges were secured), and wrapping

ourselves up in our furs, waited patiently for the morning.

      About three o'clock we were called on to set out, our guides

being apprehensive, that if we waited longer, we might be stopped by the thaw, and neither be able to proceed, nor to return. After encountering many difficulties, which were principally occasioned by the bad condition of the road, at two in the afternoon, we got safe to an ostrog, called Natcheekin, situated on the side of a small stream, which falls into the Bolchoireka, a little way below the town. The distance between Karatchin and Natcheekin is thirty-eight wersts (or twenty-five miles); and had the hard frost continued, we should not, by their account, have been more than four hours in performing it; but the snow was so soft, that the dogs, almost at every step, sunk up to their bellies; and I was indeed much surprised at their being at all able to overcome the difficulties of so fatiguing a journey.

      Natcheekin is a very inconsiderable ostrog, having only one log-house, the residence of the Toion; five balagans, and one jourt. We were received here with the same formalities, and in the same hospitable manner, as at Karatchin; and in the afternoon we went to visit a remarkable hot spring, which is near this village. We saw, at some distance, the steam rising from it, as from a boiling caldron; and as we approached, perceived the air had a strong sulphureous smell. The main spring forms a bason of about three feet in diameter; besides which, there are a number of lesser springs, of the same degree of heat, in the adjacent ground; so that the whole spot, to the extent of near an acre, was so hot, that we could not stand two minutes in the same place. The water flowing from these springs is collected in a small bathing pond, and afterward forms a little rivulet; which, at the distance of about an hundred and fifty yards, falls into the river. The bath, they told us, had wrought great

cures in several disorders, such as rheumatisms, swelled and contracted joints, and scorbutic ulcers. In the bathingplace the thermometer stood at 100°, or blood heat; but in the spring, after being immersed two minutes, it was 1° above boiling spirits. The thermometer in the air, at this time, was 34°; in the river 40° and in the Toion' s house 64°. The ground where these springs break our, is on a gentle ascent; behind which there is a green hill of a moderate size. I am sorry I was not sufficiently skilled in botany to examine the plants, which seemed to thrive here with great luxuriance; the wild garlic, indeed, forced itself on our notice, and was at this time springing up very vigorously.

      The next morning, we embarked on the Bolchoireka in canoes; and, having the stream with us, expected. to be at our journey's end the day following. The town of Bolcheretsk is about eighty miles from Natcheekin; and we were informed, that, in the summer season, when the river has been full and rapid, from the melting of snow on the mountains, the canoes had often gone down in a single day; but that, in its present state, we should probably be much longer, as the ice had broken up only three days before we arrived; and that ours would be the first boat that had attempted to pass. This intelligence proved but too true. We found ourselves greatly impeded by the shallows; and though the stream, in many places, ran with great rapidity, yet every half mile, we had ripplings and shoals, over which we were obliged to haul the boats. The country, on each side, was very romantic, but unvaried; the river running between mountains of the most craggy and barren aspect, where there was nothing to diversify the scene; but now and then the sight of a bear, and the flights of wild-fowl. So uninteresting a passage leaves me nothing farther to say,

than that this, and the following night, we slept on the banks of the river, under our marquée; and suffered very much from the severity of the weather, and the snow, which still remained on the ground.

      At day-light on the 12th, we found we had got clear of the mountains, and were entering a low extenfive plain, covered with shrubby trees. About nine in the forenoon, we arrived at an ostrog, called Opatchin, which is computed to be fifty miles from Natcheekin, and is nearly of the same size as Karatchin. We found here a serjeant with four Russian soldiers, who had been two days waiting for our arrival; and who immediately dispatched a light boat to Bolcheretsk, with intelligence of our approach. We were now put into the trammels of formality; a canoe, furnished with skins and furs, and equipped in a magnificent manner, was prepared for our reception, in which we were accommodated much at our ease, but to the exclusion of the rest of our fellow-travellers. It was with much regret we found ourselves obliged to separate from our old companion Monsieur Port, whom we had observed to grow every day more shy and distant, as we drew nearer the end of our journey. Indeed, he had himself told us, before we set out, that we paid him a respect he had no title to; but as we found him a very modest and discreet man, we had insisted on his living with us during the whole of our journey. The remainder of our passage was performed with great facility and expedition, the river growing more rapid, as we descended, and less obstructed by shoals.

      As we approached the capital, we were sorry to observe, from an appearance of much stir and bustle, that we were to be received in form. Decent clothes had been, for some

time, a scarce commodity amongst us; and our travelling dresses were made up of a burlesque mixture of European, Indian, and Kamtschatdale fashions. We therefore thought it would be too ridiculous to make a parade in this trim through the metropolis of Kamtschatka; and as we saw a crowd collected on the banks of the river, and were told the Commander would be at the water-side to receive us, we stopped short at a soldier's house, about a quarter of a mile from the town, from whence we sent Port with a message to his Excellency, acquainting him, that the moment we had put off our travelling dresses, we would pay our respects to him at his own house; and to beg he would not think of waiting to conduct us. Finding, however, that he persisted in his intentions of paying us this compliment, we lost no farther time in attiring ourselves, but made all the haste in our power to join him at the entrance of the town. I observed my companions to be as awkward as I felt myself, in making our first salutations; bowing and scraping being marks of good-breeding that we had now, for two years and a half, been totally unaccustomed to. The manner in which we were received by the Commander, was the most engaging that could be conceived, and increased my mortification, at finding, that he had almost entirely forgot the French language; so that the satisfaction of conversing with him was wholly confined to Mr. Webber, who spoke the German, his native tongue.

      In company with Major Behm, was Captain Shmaleff, the second in command, and another officer, with the whole body of the merchants of the place. They conducted us to the Commander's house, where we were received by his lady with great civility, and found tea and other refreshments prepared for us. After the first compliments were

over, Mr. Webber was defired to acquaint the Major with the object of our journey, with our want of naval stores, flour, and fresh provisions, and other necessaries for the ships crews; and at the same time to assure him, that we were sensible, from what we had already seen of the condition of the country about Awatska Bay, we could not expect much assistance from him in that quarter; that the impossibility of sending heavy stores across the peninsula, during the present season of the year, was but too apparent, from the difficulties we had met with in our journey; and that, long before any material change could take place, we should be under the necessity of proceeding on our voyage. We were here interrupted by the Commander, who observed, that we did not yet know what they were capable of doing; that, at least, it was not his business to think of the difficulties of supplying our wants, but only to learn what were the articles we stood in need of, and the longest time we could allow him, for procuring them. After expressing our sense of his obliging disposition, we gave him a list of the naval stores, the number of cattle, and the quantity of flour, we were directed to purchase, and told him, that we purposed recommencing our voyage about the 5th of June.

Our conversation afterward turned upon different subjects; and it will naturally be supposed, that our inquiries were principally directed to the obtaining some information respecting our own country. Having now been absent three years, we had flattered ourselves with the certainty of receiving intelligence from Major Behm, which could not fail of being interesting; and I cannot express the disappointmennt we felt, on finding, that he had no news to commu-

nicate of a much later date than that of our departure from England.

      About seven o'clock, the Commander, conceiving we might be fatigued with our journey, and desirous of taking some repose, begged he might conduct us to our lodgings. It was in vain that we protested against a compliment which we had certainly no title to expect, but that of being strangers; a circumstance which seemed, in the opinion of this generous Livonian, to counterbalance every other consideration. In our way, we passed by two guard-houses, where the men were turned out under arms, in compliment to Captain Gore; and were afterward brought to a very neat and decent house, which the Major gave us to understand was to be our residence, during our stay, Two sentinels were posted at the door; and in a house adjoining, there was a serjeant's guard. Having shewn us into our apartments, the Major took his leave, with a promise to see us the next day; and we were left to find out, at our leisure, all the conveniencies that he had most amply provided for us. A soldier, called a putpropersckack, whose rank is between that of a serjeant and corporal, along with our fellow-traveller Port, were appointed to be our male domestics; besides whom, there was a house-keeper and a cook, who had orders to obey Port's directions in dressing us a supper, according to our own mode of cookery. We received many civil messages, in the course of the evening, from the principal people of the town, purporting, that they would not add to our fatigues, by paying their respects to us at that time, but would wait on us in the morning. Such well-supported politeness and attention in a country so desolate and uncultivated, formed a contrast exceedingly favourable to its inhabitants; and to finish the piece as it began, at sun-set the

serjeant came with the report of his guard to Captain Gore.

      Early in the morning, we received the compliments of the Commander, of Captain Shmaleff, and of the principal inhabitants of the town, who all honoured us with visits soon after. The two first having sent for Port, after we were gone to rest, and inquired of him, what articles we seemed to be most in want of on board the ships; we found them prepared to insist on our sharing with the garrison under their command, in what little stock of provisions they had remaining. At the same time they lamented, that we had arrived at a season of the year, when there was always the greatest scarcity of every thing amongst them; the sloops not being yet arrived, with their annual supply, from Okotsk.

      We agreed to accept the liberality of these hospitable strangers, with the best grace we could; but on condition, that we might be made acquainted with the price of the articles we were to be supplied with; and that Captain Clerke should give bills to the amount, upon the Victualling Office in London. This the Major positively refused; and whenever it was afterward urged, stopped us short, by telling us, he was certain, that he could not oblige his Mistress more, than in giving every assistance in his power to her good friends and allies the English; and that it would be a particular satisfaction to her, to hear, that in so remote a part of the world, her dominions had afforded any relief to ships engaged in such services as ours; that he could not therefore act so contrary to the character of his Empress, as to accept of any bills; but that, to accommodate the matter, he would take a bare attestation of the particulars, with

which we might be furnished; and that this he should transmit to his Court, as a certificate of having performed his duty. I shall leave (he continued) to the two Courts, all farther acknowledgments; but cannot consent to accept any thing of the kind alluded to.

      When this matter was adjusted, he began to inquire about our private wants; saying, he should consider himself as ill used, if we had any dealings with the merchants, or applied to any other person except himself.

      In return for such singular generosity, we had little to bestow but our admiration and our thanks. Fortunately, however, Captain Clerke had sent by me a set of prints and maps, belonging to the last voyage of Captain Cook, which he desired me to present in his name to the Commander; who being an enthusiast in every thing relating to discoveries, received it with a satisfaction which shewed, that; though a trifle, nothing could have been more acceptable. Captain Clerke had likewise intrusted me with a discretionary power of shewing him a chart of the discoveries made in the present voyage; and as I judged, that a person in his situation, and of his turn of mind, would be exceedingly gratified by a communication of this sort, though, out of delicacy, he had forborn to ask more than a few general questions on the subject, I made no scruple to repose in him a confidence, of which his. whole conduct shewed him to be deserving.

      I had the pleasure to find, that he felt this compliment as I hoped he would, and was much struck at feeing, in one view, the whole of that coast, as well on the side of Asia as on that of America, of which his countrymen had been so many

Years employed in acquiring a partial and imperfect knowledge ^*.

      Excepting this mark of confidence, and the set of prints I have already mentioned, we had brought nothing with us that was in the least worth his acceptance; for it scarce deserves noticing, that I prevailed on his son, a young boy, to accept of a silver watch I happened to have about me; and I made his little daughter very happy with two pair of ear-rings, of French paste. Besides these trifles, I left with Captain Shmaleff the thermometer I had used on my journey; and he promised me, to keep an exact register of the temperature of the air for one year, and to transmit it to Mr. Muller, with whom he had the pleasure of being acquainted.

      We dined this day at the Commander's, who, studious on every occasion to gratify our curiosity, had, besides a number of dishes dressed in our own way, prepared a great variety of others, after the Russian and Kamtschadale manner. The afternoon was employed in taking a view of the town, and the adjacent country. Bolcheretsk is situated in a low swampy plain, that extends to the sea of Okotsk, being about forty miles long, and of a confiderable breadth. It

lies on the North side of the Bolchoi-reka (or great river), between the mouth of the Gottsofka and the Bistraia, which here empty themselves into this river; and the peninsula, on which it stands, has been separated from the continent by a large canal, the work of the present Commander; which has not only added much to its strength as a fortress, but has made it much less liable, than it was before, to inundations. Below the town, the river is from six to eight feet deep, and about a quarter of a mile broad. It empties itself into the sea of Okotsk, at the distance of twenty-two miles; where, according to Krasheninicoff, it is capable of admitting vessels of a considerable size. There is no corn, of any species, cultivated in this part of the country; and Major Behm informed me, that his was the only garden that had yet been planted. The ground was, for the most part, covered with snow; that which was free from it appeared full of small hillocks, of a black turfy nature. I saw about twenty or thirty cows; and the Major had fix stout horses. These, and their dogs, are the only tame animals they possess; the necessity they are under, in the present state of the country, of keeping great numbers of the latter, making it impossible to bring up any cattle, that are not in size and strength a match for them. For, during the summer season, their dogs are entirely let loose, and left to provide for themselves; which makes them so exceedingly ravenous, that they will sometimes even attack the bullocks.

      The houses in Bolcheretsk are all of one fashion, being built of logs, and thatched. That of the Commander is much larger than the rest, consisting of three rooms of a considerable size, neatly papered, and which might have been reckoned handsome, if the talc with which the win-

dows were covered, had not given them a poor and disagreeable appearance. The town consists of several rows of low buildings, each consisting of five or six dwellings, connected together, with a long common passage running the length of them; on one side of which is the kitchen and store-house; and on the other the dwelling apartments. Besides these, are barracks for the Russian soldiers and Cossacks; a well looking church; and a court-room; and at the end of the town a great number of Balagans, belonging to the Kamtschadales. The inhabitants, taken all together, amount to between five and six hundred. In the evening, the Major gave a handsome entertainment; to which the principal people of the town, of both sexes, were invited.

      The next morning we applied privately to the merchant Fedositsch, to purchase some tobacco for the sailors, who had now been upward of a twelvemonth without this favourite commodity. However, this, like all our other transactions of the same kind, came immediately to the Major's knowledge; and we were soon after surprised to find, in our house, four bags of tobacco, weighing upward of a hundred pounds each, which he begged might be presented, in the name of himself, and the garrison under his command, to our sailors. At the same time, they had sent us twenty loaves of fine sugar, and as many pounds of tea, being articles they understood we were in great want of, which they begged to be indulged in presenting to the officers. Along with these, Madame Behm had also sent a present for Captain Clerke, consisting of fresh butter, honey, figs, rice, and some other little things of the same kind, attended with many wishes, that, in his infirm state of health, they might be of service to him. It was in vain we tried to oppose this profusion of bounty, which I was really anxious to restrain,

being convinced, that they were giving away, not a share, but almost the whole stock of the garrison. The constant answer the Major returned us, on those occasions, was, that we had suffered a great deal, and that we must needs be in distress. Indeed, the length of time we had been out, since we touched at any known port, appeared to them so very incredible, that it required the testimony of our maps, and other corroborating circumstances, to gain their belief. Amongst the latter was a very curious fact which Major Behm related to us this morning, and which, he said, but for our arrival, he should have been totally at a loss to account for.

      It is well known, that the Tschutski are the only people, of the North of Asia, who have maintained their independence, and resisted all the attempts that have been made by the Russians to reduce them. The last expedition against them was undertaken in the year 1750, and terminated, after various success, in the retreat of the Russian forces, and the loss of the commanding officer. Since that time, the Russians had removed their frontier fortress from the Anadyr to the Ingiga, a river that empties itself into the Northern extremity of the sea of Okotsk, and gives its name to a gulf, situated to the West of that of Penshinsk. From this fort, Major Behm had received dispatches the day of our arrival at Bolcheretsk, containing intelligence, that a tribe, or party, of the Tschutski, had arrived at that place with propositions of friendship, and a voluntary offer of tribute; that 0n inquiring into the cause of this unexpected alteration in their sentiments, they had informed his people, that toward the latter end of the last summer they had been visited by two very large Russian boats; that they had been

treated by the people, who were in them, with the greatest kindness, and had entered into a league of friendship and amity with them; and that, relying on this friendly disposition, they were now come to the Russian fort, in order to settle a treaty, on such terms as might be acceptable to both nations. This extraordinary history had occasioned much speculation, both at Ingiginsk and Bolcheretsk; and, had we not furnished them with a key to it, must have remained perfectly unintelligible. We felt no small satisfaction in having, though accidentally, shewn the Russians, in this instance, the only true way of collecting tribute, and extending their dominions; and in the hopes that the good understanding, which this event hath given rise to, may rescue a brave people from the future invasions of such powerful neighbours.

      We dined, this day, with Captain Shmaleff, and in the afternoon, in order to vary our amusements, he treated us with an exhibition of the Russian and Kamtschadale dancing. No description can convey an adequate idea of this rude and uncouth entertainment. The figure of the Russian dance was much like those of our hornpipes, and was danced either single, or by two or four persons at a time. Their steps were short and quick, with the feet scarce raised from the ground; the arms were fixed close to the sides; the body being all the while kept upright and immoveable, excepting when the parties passed each other, at which time the hand was raised with a quick and awkward motion. But if the Russian dance was at the fame time both unmeaning and ridiculous, the Kamtschadale joined to the latter quality the most whimsical idea that ever entered into any people's heads. It is intended to represent the awkward and clumsy

gestures of the bear, which these people have frequent opportunities of observing in a great variety of situations. It will scarcely be expected that I should give a minute description of all the strange postures which were exhibited on these occasions; and I shall therefore only mention, that the body was always bowed, and the knees bent, whilst the arms were used in imitating the tricks and attitudes of that animal.

      As our journey to Bolcheretsk had taken up more time than we expected, and we were told that our return might prove still more difficult and tedious, we were under the necessity of acquainting the commander, this evening, with our intention of setting out the next day. It was not without the utmost regret we thought of leaving our new acquaintance; and were therefore most agreeably surprised, when the Major told us, that if we could stay one day longer, he would accompany us. He had, he said, made up his dispatches, and resigned the command of Kamtschatka to his successor Captain Shmaleff, and had prepared every thing for his departure to Okotsk, which was to take place in a few days; but that he should feel great pleasure in putting off his journey a little longer, and returning with us to Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, that he might himself be a witness of every thing being done for us, that it was in their power to do.

      In return for the few trifles I had given to the children of Major Behm, I was, next morning, the 15th, presented, by his little boy, with a most magnificent Kamtschadale dress, which shall be described in its proper place. It was of the kind worn by the principal Toions of the country, on occa-

sions of great ceremony; and, as I was afterward told, by Fedositsch, could not have been purchased for one hundred and twenty roubles. At the same time I had a present from his daughter, of a handsome sable muff.

      We afterward dined with the Commander, who, in order to let us see as much of the manners of the inhabitants, and of the customs of the country, as our time would permit, invited the whole of the better sort of people in the village to his house this evening. All the women appeared very splendidly dressed, after the Kamtschadale fashion. The wives of Captain Shmaleff, and the other officers of the garrison, were prettily dressed, half in the Siberian, and half in the European mode; and Madame Behm, in order to make the stronger contrast, had unpacked part of her baggage, and put on a rich European dress. I was much struck with the richness and variety of the silks which the women wore, and the singularity of their habits. The whole was like some enchanted scene in the midst of the wildest and most dreary country in the world. Our entertainment again consisted of dancing and singing.

      The next morning being fixed for our departure, we retired early to our lodgings, where the first things we saw were three travelling dresses, made after the fashion of the country, which the Major had provided for us, who came himself to our house soon after, to see all our things packed up, and properly taken care of. Indeed, what with his liberal presents, and the kindness of Captain Shmaleff, and many other individuals, who all begged to throw in their mite, together with the ample stock of provisions he had sent us for our journey, we had amassed no inconfiderable load of baggage.

      Early in the morning, every thing being ready for our departure, we were invited to call on Madame Behm, in our way to the boats, and take our leave of her. Impressed, as our minds were, with sentiments of the warmest gratitude, by the attentive, benevolent, and generous treatment we had met with at Bolcheretsk, they were greatly heightened, by the affecting scene which presented itself to us, on leaving our lodgings. All the soldiers and Cossacks, belonging to the garrison, were drawn up on one hand, and the male inhabitants of the town, dressed out in their best clothes, on the other; and, as soon as we came out of the house, the whole body of the people joined in a melancholy song, which, the Major told us, it was usual, in that country, to sing on taking leave of their friends. In this manner we marched down to the Commander's house, preceded by the drums and music of the garrison, where we were received by Madame Behm, attended by the ladies, who were dressed in long silk cloaks, lined with very valuable furs of different colours, which made a most magnificent appearance. After partaking of some refreshment, that was prepared for us, we went down to the water-side, accompanied by the ladies, who now joined the song with the rest of the inhabitants and as soon as we had taken leave of Madame Behm, and assured her of the grateful sense we should ever retain of the hospitality of Bolcheretsk, we found ourselves too much affected, not to hasten into the boats with all the expedition we could. When we put off, the whole company gave us three cheers, which we returned from the boat; and, as we were doubling a point, where for the last time we saw our friendly entertainers, they took their farewel in another cheer.

      We found the stream, on our return, so exceedingly rapid that notwithstanding the Cossacks and Kamtschadales used their utmost exertions, we did not reach the first village, Opatchin, till the evening of the 17th, which was at the rate of about twenty miles a day. We got to Natcheekin on the 19th; and, on the 20th, we crossed the plain to Karatchin. We found the road much better than when we had passed it before, there having been a smart frost on the night of the 19th. On the 21st, we proceeded down the Awatska River; and, before it was dark, got over the shoals which lie at the entrance of the bay. During the whole course of our journey, we were much pleased with the great goodwill with which the Toions, and their Kamtschadales, afforded us their assistance, at the different ostrogs through which we passed; and I could not but observe the pleasure that appeared in their countenances, on seeing the Major, and their strong expressions of sorrow, on hearing he was so soon going to leave them.

      We had dispatched a messenger to Captain Clerke, from Bolcheretsk, with an account of our reception, and of the Major's intention of returning with us; at the same time, apprizing him of the day he might probably expect to see us. We were therefore very well pleased to observe, as we approached the harbour, all the boats of the two ships coming toward us, the men clean, and the officers as well dressed as the scarcity of our clothing would permit. The Major was much struck at the robust and healthy appearance of the boats crews, and still more at seeing most of them without any other covering than a shirt and trowsers, although at the very moment it actually snowed.

      As Major Behm had expressed his intentions of visiting the ships before he landed, as soon as we arrived off the town, I desired to receive his commands; when remarking, that from the account we had given of the very bad state of Captain Clerke's health, it might be imprudent to disturb him at so late an hour (it being now past nine o'clock), he thought it, he said, most adviseable to remain that night on shore. Accordingly, after attending him to the serjeant's house, I took my leave, for the present, and went on board to acquaint Captain Clerke with my proceedings at Bolchzretsk. It was with the utmost concern I found, that in the fortnight we had been absent, this excellent officer was much altered for the worse, instead of reaping that advantage we flattered ourselves he might, from the repose of the harbour, and the milk and vegetable diet with which he was supplied.

      As soon as I had dispatched this business, I returned to the Major, and the next morning conducted him to the ships; where, on his arrival, he was saluted with thirteen guns, and received with every other mark of distinction, that it was in our power to pay him. He was attended by the Commander of one of the Russian galliots, the master of a sloop that lay in the harbour, two merchants from Bolcheretsk, and the priest of the neighbouring village of Paratounca, for whom he appeared to entertain the highest respect, and whom I shall hereafter have occasion to mention, on account of his great kindness to Captain Clerke.

      After visiting the Captain, and taking a view of both the ships, he returned to dinner on board the Resolution; and, in the afternoon, the various curiosities we had collected in the course of our voyage, were shewn him, and a complete

assortment of every article presented to him by Captain Clerke. On this occasion I must not pass over an instance of great generosity and gratitude in the sailors of both ships; who, when they were told of the handsome present of tobacco that was made them by the Major, desired, entirely of their own accord, that their grog might be stopped, and their allowance of spirits presented, on their part, to the garrison of Bolcheretsk, as they said they had reason to conclude that brandy was scarce in the country, and would be very acceptable to them, since the soldiers on shore had offered four roubles a bottle for it. We, who knew how much the sailors always felt, whenever their allowance of grog was stopped, which was generally done in warm weather, that they might have it in a greater proportion in cold, and that this offer would deprive them of it during the inclement season we had to expect in our next expedition to the North, could not but admire so extraordinary a sacrifice; and that they might not suffer by it, Captain Clerke, and the rest of the officers substituted in the room of the very small quantity the Major could be prevailed on to accept, the same quantity of rum. This, with a dozen or two of Cape wine, for Madame Behm, and such other little presents as were in our power to bestow, were accepted in the most obliging manner. The next morning the tobacco was divided between the crews of the two ships, three pounds being allotted to every man that chewed or smoked tobacco, and one pound to those that did not.

      I have before mentioned, that Major Behm had resigned the command of Kamtschatka, and intended to set out in a short time for Petersburg; and he now offered to charge himself with any dispatches we might trust to his care. This was an opportunity not to be neglected; and accordingly Cap-

tain Clerke acquainted him, that he would take the liberty of sending by him some papers relating to our voyage, to be delivered to our Ambassador at the Russian court. Our first intentions were to send only a small journal of our proceeding; but, afterward, Captain Clerke being persuaded that the whole account of our discoveries might safely be trusted to a person who had given such striking proofs both of his public and private virtues; and considering that we had a very hazardous part of the voyage still to undertake, determined to send, by him, the whole of the journal of our late Commander, with that part of his own, which completed the period from Captain Cook's death, till our arrival at Kamtschatka; together with a chart of all our discoveries. Mr. Bayly, and myself, thought it also proper to send a general account of our proceedings to the board of longitude; by which precautions, if any misfortune had afterward befallen us, the Admiralty would have been in possession of a complete history of the principal facts of our voyage. It was also determined, that a smaller pacquet should be sent by an express from Okotsk, which, the Major said, if he was fortunate in his passage to that port, would reach Petersburg, by December; and that he himself should be there in February or March

      During the three following days, the Major was entertained alternately in the two ships, in the best manner we were able. On the 25th, he took his leave, and was saluted with thirteen guns; and the sailors, at their own desire, gave him three cheers. The next morning, Mr. Webber, and myself, attended him a few miles up the Awatska River, where we met the Russian priest, his wife and children, who were waiting to take the last farewel of their commander.

      It was hard to say, whether the good priest and his family, or ourselves, were most affected on taking our leave of Major Behm. Short as our acquaintance had been, his noble and disinterested conduct had inspired us with the highest respect and esteem for him; and we could not part with a person to whom we were under such obligations, and whom we had little prospect of ever seeing again, without feeling the most tender concern. The intrinsic value of the private presents we received from him, exclusive of the stores which might be carried to a public account, must have amounted, according to the current price of articles in that country, to upward of two hundred pounds. But this generosity, extraordinary as it must appear in itself, was exceeded by the delicacy with which all his favours were conferred, and the artful manner in which he endeavoured: to prevent our feeling the weight of obligations, which he knew we had no means of requiting. If we go a step further, and consider him as supporting a public character, and maintaining the honour of a great Sovereign, we shall find a still higher subject of admiration, in the just and enlarged sentiments by which he was actuated. "The service in which you are employed, he would often say, is for the general advantage of mankind, and therefore gives you a right, not merely to the offices of humanity, but to the privileges of citizens, in whatever country you may be thrown. I am sure I am acting agreeably to the wishes of my Mistress, in affording you all the relief in our power; and I cannot forget either her character, or my own honour, so much, as to barter for the performance of a duty." At other times, he would tell us, that he was particularly desirous of setting a good example to the Kamtschadales, who, he said, were but just emerging from

a state of barbarism; that they looked up to the Russians as their patterns in every thing; and that he had hopes they might, in future, look upon it as a duty incumbent upon them to assist strangers to the utmost of their power, and believe, that such was the universal practice of civilized nations. To all this must be added, that, after having relieved, to the utmost of his abilities, all our present distresses, he shewed himself not much less mindful of our future wants; and, as he supposed it more than probable we should not discover the passage we were in search of, and therefore should return to Kamtschatka in the fall of the year, he made Captain Clerke give him a list of what cordage and flour we should want, and promised they should be sent from Okotsk, and wait our arrival. For the same purpose, he gave Captain Clerke a paper, enjoining all the subjects of the Empress, whom we might happen to meet, to give us every assistance in their power.

CHAP. III.

Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul.—Abundance of Fish.—Death of a Seaman belonging to the Resolution.—The Russian Hospital put under the Care of the Ship's Surgeons.—Supply of Flour and Cattle.—Celebration of the King's Birth-day.— Difficulties in sailing out of the Bay.—Eruption of a Volcano.—Steer to the Northward.—Cheepoonskoi Noss.—Errors of the Russian Charts.—Kamtschatskoi Noss.—Olutorskoi Noss.—Tschukotskoi Noss.—Island of St. Laurence.—View, from the same Point, of the Coasts of Asia and America, and the Islands of St. Diomede.— Various Attempts to get to the Norths between the two Continents.—Obstructed by impenetrable Ice.—Sea-horses and white Bears killed.—Captain Clerke's Determination, and future Designs.

      Having concluded the last chapter with an account of our return from Bolcheretsk, accompanied by Major Behm, the Commander of Kamtschatka, and of his departure; I shall proceed to relate the transactions that passed in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul during our absence. On the 7th of May, soon after we had left the bay, a large piece of ice drove across the cut-water of the Resolution, and brought home the small bower anchor. This obliged them to weigh the other anchor, and moor again. The

carpenters, who were employed in stopping the leak, were obliged to take off a great part of the sheathing from the bows, and found many of the trunnels so very loose and rotten, as to be easily drawn out with the fingers.

      On the 11th, they had heavy gales from the North East, which obliged both the ships to strike yards and topmasts; but in the afternoon the weather being more moderate, and the ice having drifted away as far as the mouth of the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, they warped close to the shore for the greater convenience of watering and wooding, and again moored as before; the town bearing North half West, half a mile distant, and the mouth of the bay, shut in by the Southernmost point of Rakowina harbour, South.

      The next day a party was sent on shore to cut wood, but made little progress on account of the snow, which still covered the ground. A convenient spot was cleared away abreast of the ships, where there was a fine run of water; and a tent being erected for the cooper, the empty casks were landed, and the sail-makers sent on shore.

      On the 15th, the beach being clear of ice, the people were sent to haul the seine, and caught an abundant supply of fine flat fish for both the ships companies. Indeed, from this time, during the whole of our stay in the harbour, we were absolutely overpowered with the quantities of fish which came in from every quarter. The Toions, both of this town, and of Paratounca, a village in the neighbourhood, had received orders from Major Behm to employ all the Kamtschadales in our service; so that we frequently could not take into the ships the presents that were sent us. They consisted, in general, of flat fish, cod, trout, and herring. These last, which were in their full perfection, and of a

delicious flavour, were exceedingly abundant in this bay. The Discovery's people surrounded, at one time, so great a quantity in their seine, that they were obliged to throw a vast number out, left the net should be broken to pieces, and the cargo they landed was afterward so plentiful, that, besides a sufficient store for immediate use, they filled as many casks as they could spare for salting; and, after sending to the Resolution a sufficient quantity for the same purpose, they left several bushels behind on the beach.

      The snow now began to disappear very rapidly, and abundance of wild garlic, celery, and nettle tops were gathered for the use of the crews; which being boiled with wheat and portable soup, made them a wholesome and comfortable breakfast; and with this they were supplied every morning. The birch-trees were also tapped, and the sweet juice, which they yielded in great quantities, was constantly mixed with the men's allowance of brandy.

      The next day, a small bullock, which had been procured for the ships companies by the serjeant, was killed; and weighed two hundred and seventy-two pounds. It was served out to both crews for their Sunday's dinner, being the first piece of fresh beef they had tasted since our departure from the Cape of Good Hope in December 1776, a period of near two years and a half.

      This evening died John Macintosh, the carpenter's mate, after having laboured under a dysentery ever since our departure from the Sandwich Islands: he was a very hard working quiet man, and much regretted by his mess-mates. He was the fourth person we lost by sickness during the voyage; but the first who could be said, from his age, and the constitutional habits of his body, to have had, on our

setting out, an equal chance with the rest of his comrades: Watman, we supposed to be about sixty years of age; and Roberts, and Mr. Anderson, from the decay, which had evidently commenced before we left England, could not, in all probability, under any circumstances, have lived a greater length of time than they did.

      I have already mentioned, that Captain Clerke's health continued daily to decline, notwithstanding the salutary change of diet, which the country of Kamtschatka afforded him. The priest of Paratounca, as soon as he heard of the infirm state he was in, supplied him every day with bread, milk, fresh butter, and fowls, though his house was sixteen miles from the harbour where we lay.

      On our first arrival, we found the Russian hospital, which is near the town of St. Peter and St. Paul, in a condition truly deplorable. All the soldiers were, more or less, affected by the scurvy, and a great many in the last stage of that disorder. The rest of the Russian inhabitants were also in the same condition; and we particularly remarked, that our friend the serjeant, by making too free with the spirits we gave him, had brought on himself, in the course of a few days, some of the most alarming symptoms of that malady. In this lamentable state, Captain Clerke put them all under the care of our surgeons, and ordered a supply of four krout, and malt, for wort, to be furnished for their use. It was astonishing to observe the alteration in the figures of almost every person we met on our return from Bolcheretsk; and I was informed, by our surgeons, that they attributed their speedy recovery principally to the effects of the sweet

      On the 1st of June we got on board two hundred and fifty poods, or nine thousand pound weight of rye flour, with which we were supplied from the stores of St. Peter and St. Paul's; and the Discovery had a proportional quantity. The men were immediately put on full allowance of bread, which they had not been indulged in since our leaving the Cape of Good Hope. The same day, our watering was completed, having got on board sixty-five tons.

      On the 4th, we had fresh breezes, and hard rain, which disappointed us in our design of dressing the ships, and obliged us to content ourselves with firing twenty-one guns, in honour of the day, and celebrating it in other respects in the best manner we were able. Port, who was left with us on account of his skill in languages, behaved himself with so much modesty and discretion, that, as soon as his master was gone, he was no longer Jean Port, but Monsieur Port, the interpreter; and partook, as well as the serjeant (in his capacity of commander, of the place), of the entertainment of the day. Our worthy friend, the priest of Paratounca, having got intelligence of its being our king's birth-day, gave also a sumptuous feast; at which some of our gentlemen were present, who seemed highly delighted with their entertainment, which consisted of abundance of good eating and drinking, together with dancing.

      On the 6th, twenty head of cattle were sent us by the Commander's orders from the Verchnei ostrag, which situated on the river Kamtschatka, at the distance of near a hundred miles from this place, in a direct line. They were of a moderate size; and, notwithstanding the Kamtschadales had been seventeen days in driving them down to the harbour, arrived in good condition. The four following days

were employed in making ready for sea; and, on the 11th, at two in the morning, we began to unmoor; but, before we had got one anchor up, it blew so strong a gale from the North East, that we kept fast, and moored again; conjecturing, from the position of the entrance of the bay, that the current of wind would set up the channel. Accordingly, the pinnace being sent out to examine the passage, returned with an account, that the wind blew strong from the South East, with a great swell, setting into the bay, which would have made any attempt to get to sea very hazardous.

      Our friend Port now took his leave of us, and carried with him the box with our journals, which was to go by the Major, and the pacquet that was to be sent express. On the 12th, the weather being moderate, we began to unmoor again; but, after breaking the messenger, and reeving a running purchase with a six inch hawser, which also broke three times, we were obliged, at last, to heave a strain at low water, and wait for the flowing of the tide to raise the anchor. This project succeeded; but not without damaging the cable in the wake of the hawse. At three, we weighed the best bower, and set sail; and, at eight, having little wind, and the tide making against us, we dropped anchor again in ten fathoms, off the mouth of Rakowina harbour; the ostrog bearing North by East half East, two miles and a half distant; the needle rocks on the East side of the passage South South East half East; and the high rock, on the West side of the passage, South.

      On the 13th, at four in the morning, we got under way with the ebb tide; and, there being a dead calm, the boats were sent ahead to tow the ships. At ten, the wind springing up from the South East by South, and the tide

having turned, we were again obliged to drop anchor in seven fathoms; the Three Needle Rocks bearing South half East; and the ostrog North half East, at the distance of one mile from the nearest land. After dinner, I went, with Captain Gore, on shore on the East side of the passage, where we saw, in two different places, the remains of extensive villages; and, on the side of the hill, an old ruined parapet, with four or five embrasures. It commanded the passage up the mouth of the bay; and, in Beering's time, as he himself mentions, had guns mounted on it. Near this place, were the ruins of some caverns under ground, which we supposed to have been magazines.

      At six in the afternoon we weighed with the ebb tide, and turned to windward; but, at eight, a thick fog arising, we were obliged to bring to, as our soundings could not afford us. a sufficient direction for steering between several sunk rocks, which lie on each side of the passage we had to make. In the morning of the 14th, the fog clearing away, we weighed as soon as the tide began to ebb; and, having little wind, sent the boats ahead to tow; but, at ten o'clock, both the wind and tide set in so strong from the sea, that we were again obliged to drop anchor in thirteen fathoms, the high rock bearing West one quarter South, distant three quarters of a mile. We remained fast for the rest of the day, the wind blowing fresh into the mouth of the bay; and, toward evening, the weather had a very unusual appearance, being exceedingly dark and cloudy, with an unsettled shifting wind.

      Before day-light, on the 15th, we were surprised with a rumbling noise, resembling distant hollow thunder; and, when the day broke, we found the decks and sides of the

ships covered with a fine dust like emery, near an inch thick. The air, at the same time, continued loaded and darkened with this substance; and, toward the volcano mountain, situated to the North of the harbour, it was so thick and black, that we could not distinguish the body of the hill. About twelve o'clock, and, during the afternoon, the explosions became louder, and were followed by showers of cinders, which were, in general, about the size of peas; though many were picked up from the deck larger than a hazel nut. Along with the cinders fell several small stones, which had undergone no change from the action of fire. In the evening we had dreadful thunder and lightning, which, with the darkness of the atmosphere, and the sulphureous smell of the air, produced altogether a most awful and terrifying effect. We were, at this time, about eight leagues from the foot of the mountain.

      On the 16th, at day-light, we again weighed anchor, and stood out of the bay; but the ebb tide setting across the passage upon the Eastern shore, and the wind falling, we were driven very near the Three Needle Rocks, which lie on that side of the entrance, and obliged to hoist out the boats, in order to tow the ships clear of them. At noon we were two leagues from the land, and had soundings with forty-three fathoms of line, over a bottom of small stones, of the same kind with those which fell on our decks, after the eruption of the volcano; but whether they had been left there by the last, or by some former eruptions, we were not able to determine.

      The aspect of the country was now very different from what it had been on our first arrival. The snow, excepting what remained on the tops of some very high mountains, had

disappeared; and the sides of the hills, which, in many parts, were well wooded, were covered with a beautiful verdure.

      As it was Captain Clerke's intention to keep as much in sight of the coast of Kamtschatka as the weather would permit, in order to determine its position, we continued steering to the North North East, with light and variable winds, till the 18th. The volcano was still seen throwing up immense volumes of smoke; and we had no soundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms, at the distance of four leagues from the shore.

      On the 18th, the wind freshening from the South, the weather became so thick and hazy, as to make it imprudent to attempt any longer to keep in sight of the land. But that we might be ready to resume our survey, whenever the fogs should disperse, we ran on in the direction of the coast, as laid down in the Russian charts, and fired signal guns for the Discovery to steer the same course. At eleven o'clock, just before we lost sight of the land, Cheeponskoi Noss, so called by the Russians (a description of which, as well as the coast between it and Awatska Bay, will be given hereafter), bore North North East, distant seven or eight leagues.

      On the 20th, at three in the morning, the weather having cleared up, we stood in toward the land; and in an hour's time saw it ahead, extending from North West to North North East, distant about five leagues. The North part we took to be Kronotskoi Noss; its position in the Russian charts agreeing nearly with our reckoning as to its latitude, which was 54° 42′; but, in longitude, we differed from them considerably, they placing it 1° 48′ East of Awatska; whereas,

our reckoning, corrected by the time-keepers and lunar observations, makes it 3° 34′ Eastward of that place, or 162° 17′ East from Greenwich. The land about this cape is very high, and the inland mountains were still covered with snow. The shore breaks off in steep cliffs, and the coast is without any appearance of inlets or bays. We had not been long gratified with this sight of the land, when the wind freshened from the South West, and brought on a thick fog, which obliged us to stand off to the North East by East. The weather clearing up again at noon, we steered toward the land, expecting to fall in with Kamtschatskoi Noss, and had sight of it at day-break of the 21st.

      The Southerly wind was soon after succeeded by a light breeze blowing off the land, which prevented our approaching the coast sufficiently near to describe its aspect, or ascertain, with accuracy, its direction. At noon our latitude, by observation, was 55° 52′, and longitude (deduced from a comparison of many lunar observations, taken near this time, with the time-keepers), 163° 50′; the extremities of the land bearing North West by West, three quarters West, and North by West three quarters West, the nearest part about eight leagues distant. At nine o'clock in the evening, having approached about two leagues nearer the coast, we found it formed a projecting peninsula, extending about twelve leagues in a direction nearly North and South. It is level, and of a moderate height, the Southern extremity terminating in a low sloping point; that to the North forming a steep bluff head; and between them, about four leagues to the Southward of the Northern Cape, there is a considerable break in the land. On each side of this break the land is quite low; beyond the opening rises a remark-

able saddle-like hill; and a chain of high mountains, covered with snow, ranges along the back of the whole peninsula.

      As the coast runs in an even direction, we were at a great loss where to place Kamtschatskoi Noss, which, according to Muller, forms a projecting point about the middle of the peninsula, and which certainly does not exist; but I have since found, that, in the general map published by the academy of Petersburg in 1776, that name is given to the Southern cape. This was found, by several accurate observations, to be in latitude 56° 3′, longitude 163° 20′; the difference in longitude, from the Russian charts, being the same as at Kronotskoi Noss. The variation of the compass at this time was 10° East. To the Southward of this peninsula the great river Kamtschatka falls into the sea.

      As the season was too far advanced to admit of our making an accurate survey of the coast of Kamtschatka, it was Captain Clerke's plan, in our run to Beering's Straits, to determine principally the posisions of the projecting points of the coast. We, therefore, directed our course across an extensive bay, laid down between Kamtschatskoi Noss and Olutorskoi Noss, intending to make the latter; which, according to the Russian geographers, terminates the peninsula called Kamtschatka, and becomes the Southern boundary of the Koriaki country.

      On the 22d, we passed a dead whale, which emitted a horrid stench, perceivable at upward of a league's distance; it was covered with a great number of sea-birds, that were feasting on it.

      On the 24th, the wind, which had varied round the compass the three preceding days, fixed at South West, and

brought clear weather, with which we continued our course to the North East by North, across the bay, without any land in sight.

      This day we saw a great number of gulls, and were witnesses to the disgusting mode of feeding of the arctic gull, which has procured it the name of the parasite, and which, if the reader is not already acquainted with it, he will find in the note below ^*.

      On the 25th, at one o'clock in the afternoon, being in latitude 59° 12′, longitude 168° 35′, the wind freshening from the same quarter, a thick fog succeeded; and this unfortunately just at the time we expected to see Olutorskoi Noss, which, if Muller places it right in latitude 59° 30′, and in longitude 167° 36′, could only have then been twelve leagues from us; at which distance, land of a moderate height might easily have been seen. But if the same error in longitude prevails here, which we have hitherto invariably found, it would have been much nearer us, even before the fog came on; and as we saw no appearance of land at that time, it must either have been very low, or there must be some mistake of latitude in Muller's account. We tried soundings, but had no ground with one hundred and sixty fathoms of line.

      The weather still thickening, and preventing a nearer approach to the land, at five we steered East by North, which is somewhat more Easterly than the Russian charts lay down the trending of the coast from Olutorskoi Noss. The next day, we had a fresh gale from the South West, which lasted

till the 27th at noon, when the fogs clearing away, we stood to the Northward, in order to make the land. The latitude at noon, by observation, was 59° 49′, longitude 175° 43′. Notwithstanding we saw shags in the forenoon, which are supposed never to go far from land, yet there was no appearance of it this day; but on the 28th, at six in the morning, we got sight of it to the North West. The coast shews itself in hills of a moderate height; but inland, others are seen to rise considerably. We could observe no wood, and the snow lying upon them in patches, gave the whole a very barren appearance. At nine, we were about ten miles from the shore, the Southern extremity bearing West by South, six leagues distant, beyond which the coast appeared to trend to the Westward. This point being in latitude 61° 48′, longitude 174° 48′, lies, according to the Russian charts, near the mouth of the river Opuka. At the same time, the Northern extreme bore North by West; between which and a hill bearing North West by Weft a quarter West, and at this distance appearing to us like an island, the coast seemed to bend to the Westward, and form a deep bay.

      About eight miles from land, we perceived ourselves in a strong rippling; and being apprehensive of foul ground, we bore away to the North East, along the shore; notwithstanding, on heaving the lead, we found regular soundings of twenty-four fathoms, over a gravelly bottom; from whence we concluded, that this appearance was occasioned by a tide, at that time running to the Southward. At noon, the extremes of the land bearing West South West three-quarters West, and North North East three-quarters East, distant from the nearest shore four leagues, we were abreast of the low land, which we now perceived to join the two points, where we had before expected to find a deep bay. The coast bends

a little to the Westward, and has a small inlet, which may probably be the mouth of some trifling stream. Our latitude, by observation, was 61° 56′, and longitude 175° 43′, and the variation of the compass 17° 30′ East.

      We continued, during the afternoon, to run along the shore, at the distance of four or five leagues, with a moderate Westerly breeze, carrying regular soundings from twenty-eight to thirty-six fathoms. The coast presented the same barren aspect as to the Southward; the hills rising considerably inland, but to what height, the clouds on their tops put it out of our power to determine. At eight in the evening, land was thought to have been seen to the East by North, on which we steered to the Southward of East; but it turned out to be only a fog bank. At midnight, the extreme point bearing North East a quarter East, we supposed it to be Saint Thadeus's Noss; to the Southward of which, the land trends to the Westward, and forms a deep bight, wherein, according to the Russian charts, lies the river Katirka.

      On the 29th, the weather was unsettled and variable, with the wind from the North East. At noon of the 30th, our latitude, by observation, was 61° 48′, and longitude 180° 0′; at which time Saint Thadeus's Noss bore North North West, twenty-three leagues distant, and beyond it we observed the coast stretching almost directly North. The most Easterly point of the Noss is in latitude 62° 50′, and longitude 179° 0′, being 3 ½° more to the East, than what the Russians make it. The land about it must be of a considerable height from its being seen at so great a distance. During the two last days, we saw numbers of whales, large seals, and sea-horses; also gulls, sea-parrots, and alba-

trosses. We took the advantage of a little calm weather to try for fish, and caught abundance of fine cod. The depth of water from sixty-five to seventy-five fathoms.

      On the 1st of July at noon, Mr. Bligh having moored a small keg with deep-sea lead, in seventy-five fathoms, found the ship made a course North by East, half a mile an hour. This he attributed to the effect of a long Southerly swell, and not to that of any current. The wind freshening from the South East toward evening, we shaped our course to the North East by East, for the point called in Beering's chart, Tschukotskoi Noss, which we had observed on the 4th of September last year, at the same time that we saw, to the South East, the island of Saint Laurence. This Cape, and Saint Thadeus's Noss, form the North East and South West extremities of the large and deep Gulph of Anadir, into the bottom of which the river of that name empties itself, dividing, as it passes, the country of the Koriacs from that of the Tschutski.

      On the 3d at noon, the latitude, by observation, was 63° 33′, and the longitude 186° 45′; half an hour after which we got sight of the Tschukotskoi Noss, bearing North half West, thirteen or fourteen leagues distant, and at five in the afternoon saw the island of Saint Laurence, bearing East three-quarters North; and another island a little to the Eastward of it, which we supposed to be between Saint Laurence and Anderson's Island, about six leagues East South East of the former. As we had no certain accounts of this island, Captain Clerke was desirous of a nearer prospect, and immediately hauled the wind toward it; but, unfortunately, we were not able to weather the island of Saint Laurence,

and were therefore under the necessity of bearing up again, and passing them all to the leeward.

      We had a better opportunity of settling the longitude of the island Saint Laurence, when we last saw it, than now. But seeing it at that time but once, and to the Southward, we could only determine its latitude so far as we could judge of distances; whereas now the noon observations enabled us to ascertain it correctly, which is 63° 47′. Its longitude was found to be 188° 15′, as before. This island, if its boundaries were at this time within our view, is about three leagues in circuit. The North part may be seen at the distance of ten or twelve leagues; but as it falls in low land to the South East, the extent of which we could not see, some of us conjectured, that it might probably be joined to the land to the Eastward of it; this, however, the haziness of the weather prevented our ascertaining. These islands, as well as the land about the Tschukotskoi Noss, were covered with snow, and presented us with a most dreary picture. At midnight, Saint Laurence bore South South East, five or six miles distant; and our depth of water was eighteen fathoms. We were accompanied by various kinds of sea fowl, and saw several small crested hawks.

      The weather still continuing to thicken, we lost all sight of land till the 5th, when it appeared both to the North East and North West. Our latitude, by account, was, at this time, 65° 24′, longitude 189° 14′. As the islands of Saint Diomede, which lie between the two continents in Beering's strait, were determined by us last year to be in latitude 65° 48′, we could not reconcile the land to the North East, with the situation of those islands. We therefore stood toward the land till three in the afternoon, when we were

within four miles of it, and finding it to be two islands, were pretty well satisfied of their being the same; but the weather still continuing hazy, to make sure of our situation, we stood over to the coast of Asia, till seven in the evening; at which time we were within two or three leagues of the East Cape of that continent.

      This Cape is a high round head of land, extending four or five miles from North to South, forming a peninsula, and Connected with the continent by a narrow neck of low land. Its shore is bold, and off its North part are three high, detached, spiral rocks. At this time it was covered with snow, and the beach surrounded with ice. We were now convinced, that we had been under the influence of a strong current, setting to the North, that had caused an error in our latitude at noon of twenty miles. In passing this strait the last year, we had experienced the same effect.

      Being at length sure of our position, we held on to the North by East. At ten at night, the weather becoming clear, we had an opportunity of seeing, at the same moment, the remarkable peaked hill, near Cape Prince of Wales, on the coast of America, and the East Cape of Asia, with the two connecting islands of Saint Diomede between them.

      At noon on the 6th, the latitude, by account, was 67° North, and the longitude 191° 0′ East. Having already, passed a considerable number of large masses of ice, and observed, that it still adhered in several places to the shore on the continent of Asia, we were not much surprized to fall in, at three in the afternoon, with an extensive body of it, stretching away to the Westward. This sight gave great discouragement to our hopes of advancing much farther Northward this year, than we had done the preceding.

      Having little wind in the afternoon, we hoisted out the boats in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in great numbers on the detached pieces of ice; but they soon returned without success; these animals being exceedingly shy, and before they could come within gun-shot, always making their retreat into the water.

      At seven in the evening, we hoisted in the boats, and the wind freshening from the Southward, we stood on to the North East, with a view of exploring the continent of America, between the latitudes of 68° and 69°, which, owing to the foggy weather last year, we had not been able to examine. In this attempt we were again in part disappointed. For, on the 7th, at six in the morning, we were stopped by a large field of ice, stretching from North West to South East; but soon after, the horizon becoming clear, we had fight of the coast of America, at about ten leagues distance, extending from North East by East to East, and lying, by observation between the 68° and 68° 20′ of latitude. As the weather was clear, and the ice not high, we were enabled to see over a great extent of it. The whole presented a solid and compact surface, not in the smallest degree thawed; and appeared to us likewise to adhere to the land.

      The weather soon after changing to hazy, we saw no more of the land; and there not remaining a possibility of approaching nearer to it, we stood to the North North West, keeping the ice close on board, and got round its Western extremity by noon, when we found it trending nearly North. Our latitude at this time was, by account, 68° 22′, and longitude 192° 34′. We continued our course to the North North East, along the edge of the ice, during the remaining part of the day, passing through many loose pieces that

had been broken off from the main body, and against which notwithstanding all our caution, the ships were driven with great violence. At eight o'clock in the evening, we passed some drift wood; and at midnight the wind shifted to the North West; the thermometer fell from 38° to 31°, and we had continued showers of snow and sleet.

      On the 8th, at five in the morning, the wind coming still more to the Northward, we could no longer keep on the same tack, on account of the ice, but were obliged to stand to the Westward. At this time our soundings had decreased to nineteen fathoms, from which, on comparing it with our observations on the depth of water last year, we concluded, that we were not at a greater distance from the American shore than six or seven leagues; but our view was confined within a much shorter compass, by a violent fall of snow. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 21′, longitude 192° 42′. At two in the afternoon, the weather cleared up, and we found ourselves close to an expanse of what appeared from the deck solid ice; but, from the masthead, it was discovered to be composed of huge compact bodies, close and united toward the outer edge, but in the interior parts, several pieces were seen floating in vacant spaces of the water. It extended from North East by the North to West South West. We bore away by the edge of it, to the Southward, that we might get into clearer water; for the strong Northerly winds had drifted down such quantities of loose pieces, that we had been, for some time, surrounded by them, and could not avoid striking against several, notwithstanding we reefed the topsails, and stood under an easy fail.

      On the 9th, we had a fresh gale from the North North West, with heavy showers of snow and sleet. The thermo-

meter was, in the night-time, 28°, and at noon 30°. We continued to steer West South West, as before, keeping as near the large body of ice as we could, and had the misfortune to rub off some of the sheathing from the bows against the drift pieces, and to damage the cutwater. Indeed, the shocks we could not avoid receiving, were frequently so severe, as to be attended with considerable danger. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 12′, and longitude 188° 5′.The variation, in the afternoon, was found to be 29° 30′ East.

      As we had now sailed near forty leagues to the Westward, along the edge of the ice, without seeing any opening, or a clear sea to the Northward beyond it, and had therefore no prospect of advancing farther North for the present, Captain Clerke resolved to bear away to the South by East (the only quarter that was clear), and to wait till the season was more advanced, before he made any farther efforts to penetrate through the ice. The intermediate time he proposed to spend in examining the bay of St. Laurence, and the coast to the Southward of it ; as a harbour so near, in case of future damage from the ice, would be very desirable. We also wished to pay another visit to our Tschutski friends; and, particularly, since the accounts we had heard of them from the Commander of Kamtschatka.

      We therefore stood on to the Southward, till the noon of the 10th, at which time we passed great quantities of driftice, and the wind fell to a perfect calm. The latitude, by observation, was 68° 1′ longitude 188° 30′. We passed several whales in the forenoon; and, in the afternoon, hoisted out the boats, and sent them in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in great numbers on the pieces of ice that sur-

rounded us. Our people were more successful than they had been before, returning with three large ones, and a young one; besides killing and wounding several others. The gentlemen who went on this party were witnesses of several remarkable instances of parental affection in those animals. On the approach of our boats toward the ice, they all took their cubs under their fins, and endeavoured to escape with them into the sea. Several, whose young were killed or wounded and left floating on the surface, rose again, and carried them down, sometimes just as our people were going to take them up into the boat; and might be traced bearing them to a great distance through the water, which was coloured with their blood: we afterward observed them bringing them, at times, above the surface, as if for air, and again diving under it with a dreadful bellowing. The female, in particular, whose young had been destroyed, and taken into the boat, became so enraged, that she attacked the cutter, and struck her two tusks through the bottom of it.

      At eight in the evening, a breeze sprung up to the Eastward, with which we still continued our course to the Southward, and at twelve fell in with numerous large bodies of ice. We endeavoured to push through them with an easy sail, for fear of damaging the ship: and having got a little farther to the Southward, nothing was to be seen, but one compact field of ice, stretching to the South West, South East, and North East, as far as the eye could reach. This unexpected and formidable obstacle put an end to Captain Clerke's plan of visiting the Tschutski; for no space remained open, but back again to the Northward. Accordingly, at three in the morning of the 11th, we tacked, and stood

to that quarter. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 67° 49′, and longitude 188° 47′.

      On the 12th, we had light winds, with thick hazy weather; and, on trying the current, we found it set to the North West, at the rate of half a knot an hour. We continued to steer Northward, with a moderate Southerly breeze, and fair weather, till the 13th, at ten in the forenoon, when we again found ourselves close in with a solid field of ice, to which we could see no limits from the mast head. This, at once, dashed all our hopes of penetrating farther; which had been considerably raised, by having now advanced near ten leagues through a space, which, on the 9th, we had found occupied by impenetrable ice. Our latitude, at this time, was 69° 37′; our position nearly in the mid channel between the two continents; and the field of ice extending from East North East, to West South West.

      As there did not remain the smallest prospect of getting farther North in the part of the sea where we now were, Captain Clerke resolved to make one more, and final attempt on the American coast, for Baffin's Bay, since we had been able to advance the farthest on this side last year. Accordingly, we kept working, the remaining part of the day, to the windward, with a fresh Easterly breeze. We saw several fulmars and arctic gulls, and passed two trees, both appearing to have lain in the water a long time. The larger was about ten feet in length, and three in circumference, without either bark or branches, but with the roots remaining attached.

      On the 14th, we stood on to the Eastward, with thick and foggy weather, our course being nearly parallel to that we steered the 8th and 9th, but six leagues more to the North-

ward. On the 15th, the wind freshened from the Westward, and having, in a great measure, dispersed the fog. we immediately stood to the Northward, that we might take a nearer view of the ice ; and in an hour were close in with it, extending from North North West, to North East. We found it to be compact and solid; the outer parts were ragged, and of different heights; the interiour surface was even; and, we judged, from eight to ten feet above the level of the sea. The weather becoming moderate for the remaining part of the day, we directed our course according to the trending of the ice, which in many parts formed deep bays.

      In the morning of the 16th, the wind freshened, and was attended with thick and frequent showers of snow. At eight in the forenoon, it blew a strong gale from the West South West, and brought us under double-reefed top-sails; when, the weather clearing a little, we found ourselves embayed; the ice having taken a sudden turn to the South East, and in one compact body surrounding us on all sides, except on the South quarter. We therefore hauled our wind to the Southward, being at this time in latitude 70° 8′ North, and in twenty-six fathoms water; and, as we supposed, about twenty-five leagues from the coast of America. The gale increasing, at four in the afternoon we close reefed the fore and main-top-sails, furled the mizen top-sail, and got the top-gallant-yards down upon deck. At eight, finding the depth of water had decreased to twenty-two fathoms, which we considered as a proof of our near approach to the American coast, we tacked and stood to the North. We had blowing weather, accompanied with show, through the night; but next morning, it became clear and moderate; and, at eight in the forenoon, we got the top-gallant yards

across, and made sail with the wind still at West South West. At noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 69° 55′, longitude 194° 30′. Toward evening, the wind slackened, and at mimidnight it was a calm.

      On the 18th, at five in the morning, a light breeze sprung up from the East North East, with which wewe continued our course to the North, in order to regain the ice as soon as possible. We passed some small logs of drift-wood, and saw abundance of sea-parrots, and the small ice-birds, and likewise a number of whales. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 70° 26′, and longitude 194° 54′; the depth of water twenty-three fathoms; the ice stretched from North to East North EasEast, and was distant about three miles. At one in the afternoon, finding that we were close in with a firm united field of it, extending from West North West to East, we tacked, and, the wind coming round to the Westward, stood on to the Eastward, along its edge, till eleven at night. At that time a very thick fog coming on, and the water shoaling to nineteen fathoms, we hauled our wind to the South. The variation observed this day was 31° 20′ East. It is remarkable, that though we saw no sea-horses on the body of the ice, yet they were in herds, and in greater numbers on the detached fragments, than we had ever observed before. About nine in the evening, a white bear was seen swimming close by the Discovery; it afterward made to the ice, on which were also two others.

      On the 19th, at one in the morning, the weather clearing up, we again steered to the North East, till two, when we were a second time so completely embayed, that there was no opening left, but to the South; to which quarter we accordingly directed our course, returning through a remark

ably smooth water, and with very favourable weather, by the same way we had come in. We were never able to penetrate farther North than at this time, when our latitude was 70° 33′; and this was five leagues short of the point to which we advanced last season. We held on to the South South West, with light winds from the North West, by the edge of the main ice, which lay on our left hand, and stretched between us and the continent of America. Our latitude, by observation at noon, was 70° 11′, our longitude 196° 15′, and the depth of water sixteen fathoms. From this circumstance, we judged that the Icy Cape was now only at seven or eight leagues distance; but, though the weather was in general clear, it was at the same time hazy in the horizon; so that we could not expect to see it.

      In the afternoon, we saw two white bears in the water, to which we immediately gave chace in the jolly boat, and had the good fortune to kill them both. The larger, which probably was the dam of the younger, being shot first, the other would not quit it, though it might easily have escaped on the ice, whilst the men were reloading, but remained swimming about, till, after being fired upon several times, it was shot dead.

      The dimensions of the larger were as follow:

      On comparing the dimensions of this with Lord Mulgrave's white bear, they were found almost exactly the same, except in the circumference, where our's fell exceedingly short.

      These animals afforded us a few excellent meals of fresh meat. The flesh had, indeed a strong fishy taste, but was, in every respect, infinitely superior to that of the seahorse; which, nevertheless, our people were again persuaded, without much difficulty, to prefer to their salted provisions.

      At six in the morning of the 20th, a thick fog coming on; we lost sight of the ice for two hours; but the weather clearing, we saw the main body again to the South South East, when we hauled our wind, which was Easterly, toward it, in the expectation of making the American coast to the South East, and which we effected at half past ten. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 33′, and longitude 194° 53′, and the depth of water nineteen fathoms. The land extended from South by East, to South South West half West, distant eight or ten leagues, being the same we had seen last year; but it was now much more covered with snow than at that time; and, to all appearance, the ice adhered to the shore. We continued, in the afternoon, sailing through a sea of loose ice, and standing toward the land, as near as the wind, which was East South East, would admit. At eight, the wind lessening, there came on a thick fog; and, on perceiving a rippling in the water, we tried the current, which we found to set to the East North East, at the rate of a mile an hour, and therefore determined to steer, during the night, before the wind, in order to stem it, and to oppose the large fragments of loose ice, that were

setting us on toward the land. The depth of the water, at midnight, was twenty fathoms.

At eight in the morning of the 21st, the wind freshening, and the fog clearing away, we saw the American coast to the South East, at the distance of eight or ten leagues, and hauled in for it; but were stopped again by the ice, and obliged to bear away to the Westward, along the edge of it. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 34′, and longitude 193°, and the depth of water twenty-four fathoms.

      Thus, a connected, solid field of ice, rendering every effort we could make to a nearer approach to the land fruitless, and joining, as we judged, to it, we took a last farewel of a North East passage to Old England. I shall beg leave to give, in Captain Clerke's own words, the reasons of this his final determination, as well as of his future plans; and this the rather, as it is the last transaction his health permitted him to write down.

      "It is now impossible to proceed the least farther to the Northward upon this coast (America); and it is equally as improbable that this amazing mass of ice should be dissolved by the few remaining summer-weeks which will terminate this season; but it will continue, it is to be believed, as it now is, an insurmountable barrier to every attempt we can possibly make. I, therefore, think it the best step that can be taken, for the good of the service, to trace the sea over to the Asiatic coast, and to try if I can find any opening, that will admit me farther North; if not, to see what more is to be done upon that coast; where I hope, yet cannot much flatter myself, to meet with better success; for the sea is now so choaked with ice, that a passage, I fear, is totally out of the question."

CHAP. IV.

Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through the Ice to the North West.—Dangerous Situation of the Discovery.—Seahorses killed.—Fresh Obstructions from the Ice.—Report of Damages received by the Discovery.—Captain Clerke's Determination to proceed to the Southward.—Joy of the Ship's Crews on that Occasion.—Pass Serdze Kamen.— Return through Beering's Straits.—Inquiry into the Extent of the North East Coast of Asia.—Reasons for rejcting Muller's Map of the Promontory of the Tschutski.—Reasons for believing the Coast does not reach a higher Latitude than 70 ½° North.—General Observations on the Impracticability of a North East, or North West Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean.—Comparative View of the Progress made in the Years 1778 and 1779.—Remarks on the Sea, and Sea-coasts, North of Beering's Straits.— Hisory of the Voyage resumed.—Pass the Island of St. Laurence.—The lsland of Mednoi.—Death of Captain Clerke.—Short Account of his Services.

      Captain Clerke having determined, for the reasons assigned at the conclusion of the last Chapter, to give up all farther attempts on the coast of America, and to make his last efforts, in search of a passage on the coast of the op-

posite continent, we continued, during the afternoon of the 21st of July, to steer to the West North West, through much loose ice. At ten at night, discovering the main body of it through the fog, right ahead, and almost close to us, and being unwilling to take a Southerly course, so long as we could possibly avoid it, we hauled our wind, which was Easterly, and stood to the Northward; but, in an hour after, the weather clearing up, and finding ourselves surrounded by a compact field of ice, on every side, except to the South South West, we tacked, and stood on in that direction, in order to get clear of it.

      At noon of the 22d, our latitude, by observation, was 69° 30′, and longitude 187° 30′. In the afternoon, we again came up with the ice, which extended to the North West and South West, and obliged us to continue our course to the Southward, in order to weather it.

      It may be remarked, that since the 8th of this month, we had twice traversed this sea, in lines nearly parallel with the run we had just now made; that in the first of those traverses, we were not able to penetrate so far North, by eight or ten leagues, as in the second; and that in the last we had again found an united body of ice, generally about five leagues to the Southward of its position in the preceding run. As this proves that the large, compact fields of ice, which we saw were moveable, or diminishing; at the same time, it does not leave any well-founded expectation of advancing much farther in the most favourable seasons.

      At seven in the evening, the weather being hazy, and no ice in sight, we bore away to the Westward; but, at half past eight, the fog dispersing, we found ourselves in the

midst of loose ice, and close in with the main body; we therefore stood upon a wind, which was still Easterly, and kept beating to windward during the night, in hopes of weathering the loose pieces, which the freshness of the wind kept driving down upon us in such quantities, that we were in manifest danger of being blocked up by them.

      In the morning of the 23d, the clear water, in which we continued to stand to and fro, did not exceed a mile and a half, and was every instant lessening. At length, after using our utmost endeavours to clear the loose ice, we were driven to the necessity of forcing a passage to the Southward, which, at half past seven, we accomplished, but not without subjecting the ship to some very severe shocks. The Discovery was less successful. For, at eleven, when they had nigh got clear out, she became so entangled by several large pieces, that her way was stopped, and immediately dropping bodily to leeward, she fell, broadside foremost, on the edge of a considerable body of ice; and having, at the same time, an open sea to windward, the surf caused her to strike violently upon it. This mass at length either so far broke, or moved, as to set them at liberty to make another trial to escape; but, unfortunately, before the ship gathered way enough to be under command, she again fell to leeward on another fragment; and the swell making it unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no chance of getting clear, they pushed into a small opening, furled their fails, and made fast with ice-hooks.

      In this dangerous situation we saw them at noon, about three miles from us, bearing North West, a fresh gale from the South East driving more ice to the North West, and increasing the body that lay between us. Our latitude, by

account, was 69° 8′, the longitude 187°, and the depth of water twenty-eight fathoms. To add to the gloomy apprehensions which began to force themselves on us, at half past four in the afternoon, the weather becoming thick and hazy, we lost sight of the Discovery; but, that we might be in a situation to afford her every assistance in our power, we kept standing on close by the edge of the ice. At six, the wind happily coming round to the North, gave us some hopes, that the ice might drift away and release her; and in that case, as it was uncertain in what condition she might come out, we kept firing a gun every half hour, in order to prevent a separation. Our apprehensions for her safety did not cease till nine, when we heard her guns in answer to ours; and soon after, being hailed by her, were informed, that upon the change of wind, the ice began to separate; and that, setting all their sails, they forced a passage through it. We learned farther, that whilst they were encompassed by it, they found the ship drift, with the main body, to the North East, at the rate of half a mile an hour. We were sorry to find, that the Discovery had rubbed off a great deal of the sheathing from the bows, and was become very leaky, from the strokes she had received when she fell upon the edge of the ice.

      On the 24th, we had fresh breezes from South West, with hazy weather, and kept running to the South East till eleven in the forenoon, when a large body of loose ice, extending from North North East, round by the East, to South South East, and to which (though the weather was tolerably clear) we could see no end, again obstructed our course. We therefore kept working to windward, and at noon, our latitude, by observation, was 68° 53′, longitude 188° the variation of the compass 22° 30′ East. At four in the afternoon, it be-

came calm, and we hoisted out the boats in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in prodigious herds on every side of us. We killed ten of them, which were as many as we could make use of for eating, or for converting into lamp oil. We kept on with the wind, from the South West, along the edge of the ice, which extended in a direction almost due East and West, till four in the morning of the 25th, when observing a clear sea beyond it, to the South East, we made sail that way, with a view of forcing through it. By six, we had cleared it, and continued the remainder of the day running to the South East, without any ice in sight. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 68° 38′, longitude 189° 9′, and the depth of water thirty fathoms. At midnight, we tacked, and stood to the Westward, with a fresh gale from the South; and at ten in the forenoon of the 26th, the ice again shewed itself, extending from North West to South. It appeared loose, and drifting, by the force of the wind, to the Northward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 68° North, longitude 188°10′ East; and we had foundings with twenty-eight fathoms. For the remaining part of the day, and till noon of the 27th, we kept standing backward and forward, in order to clear ourselves of different bodies of ice. At noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 67° 47′, longitude 188°. At two in the afternoon, we saw the continent to the South by East; and at four, having run, since noon, with a South South East wind to the South West, we were surrounded by loose masses of ice, with the firm body of it in sight, stretching in a North by West, and a South by East direction, as far as the eye could reach; beyond which we saw the coast of Asia, bearing South, and South by East.

      As it was now necessary to come to some determination with respect to the course we were next to steer, Captain Clerke sent a boat, with the carpenters, on board the Discovery, to inquire into the particulars of the damage she had sustained. They returned, in the evening, with the report of Captain Gore, and of the carpenters of both ships, that the damages they had received were of a kind that would require three weeks to repair; and that it would be necessary, for that purpose, to go into some port.

      Thus, finding a farther advance to the Northward, as well as a nearer approach to either continent, obstructed by a sea blocked up with ice, we judged it both injurious to the service, by endangering the safety of the ships, as well as fruitless, with respect to the design of our voyage, to make any farther attempts toward a passage. This, therefore, added to the representations of Captain Gore, determined Captain Clerke not to lose more time in what he concluded to be an unattainable object, but to sail for Awatska Bay, to repair our damages there; and, before the winter should set in, and render all other efforts toward discovery impracticable, to explore the coast of Japan.

      I will not endeavour to conceal the joy that brightened the countenance of every individual, as soon as Captain Clerke's resolutions were made known. We were all heartily sick of a navigation full of danger, and in which the utmost perseverance had not been repaid with the smallest probability of success. We therefore turned our faces toward home, after an absence of three years, with a delight and satisfaction, which, notwithstanding the tedious voyage we had still to make, and the immense distance we had to run, were as freely entertained, and perhaps as

fully enjoyed, as if we had been already in sight of the Land's end.

      On the 28th, we kept working to windward with a fresh breeze from the South East, having the coast of Asia still in sight. At four in the morning, the Cape, which on the authority of Muller, we have called Serdze Kamen, bore South South West, distant six or seven leagues. We saw, in different places, upon the tops of the hills, which rise inland on both sides of the Cape, protuberances of a considerable height, which had the appearance of huge rocks, or pillars of stone.

      On the 29th, the wind still continuing contrary, we made but slow progress to the Southward. At midnight we had thick, foggy weather, accompanied with a breeze from the North North West, with which we directed our course to the South South East, through the straits, and had no land in sight till seven in the evening of the 30th; when the fog clearing away, we saw Cape Prince of Wales bearing South by East, distant about six leagues; and the island St. Diomede South West by West. We now altered our course to the West, and at eight made the East Cape, which, at midnight, bore West by North, distant four leagues. In the night we steered to the South South West, with a fresh West North Westerly breeze; and, at four in the morning of the 31st, the East Cape bore North North East, and the North East part of the bay of St. Laurence (where we anchored the last year) West by South, its distance being four leagues. As we could not have worked up to windward without a greater waste of time, than the object appeared to deserve, we ran across the bay, regretting much, as we passed along, the loss of this opportunity of paying a second visit to the Tschutski. At

noon our latitude, by observation, was 65° 6′, and longitude 189°. The South point of the Bay of St. Laurence bore North by West one quarter West, and was distant seven or eight leagues. In the afternoon the variation was found to be 22° 50′ East.

      Having now passed Beering's Straits, and taken our final leave of the North East coast of Asia, it may not be improper, on this occasion, to state the grounds on which we have ventured to adopt two general conclusions respecting its extent, in opposition to the opinions of Mr. Muller. The first, that the promontory named East Cape is actually the Easternmost point of that quarter of the globe; or, in other words, that no part of the continent extends in longitude beyond 190° 22′ East: the second, that the latitude of the North Easternmost extremity falls to the Southward of 70° North. With respect to the former, if such land exist, it must necessarily be to the North of latitude 69°, where the discoveries made in the present voyage terminate; and, therefore, the probable direction of the coast, beyond this point, is the question I shall endeavour, in the first place, to investigate.

      As the Russian is the only nation that has hitherto navigated these seas, all our information respecting the situation of the coast to the Northward of Cape North, must necessarily be derived from the charts and journals of the persons who have been employed, at various times, in ascertaining the limits of that empire; and these are, for the most part, so imperfect, so confused, and contradictory, that it is not easy to form any distinct idea of their pretended, much less to collect the amount of their real discoveries. It is on this account, that the extent and form of the peninsula, inhabited by the Tschutski, still remains a point, on

which the Russian geographers are much divided. Mr. Muller, in his map, published in the year 1754, supposes this country to extend toward the North East, to the 75° of latitude, and in longitude 190° East of Greenwich, and to terminate in a round Cape, which he calls Tschukotskoi Noss. To the Southward of this Cape he conceives the coast to form a bay to the Westward, bounded in latitude 67° 18′, by Serdze Kamen, the Northernmost point seen by Beering in his expedition in the year 1728. The map, published by the academy of St. Petersburg, in the year 1776, gives the whole peninsula intirely a new form, placing its North Easternmost extremity in the latitude 73°, longitude 178° 30′. The Easternmost point in latitude 65° 30′, longitude 189° 30′. All the other maps we saw, both printed and in manuscript, vary between these two, apparently more according to the fancy of the compiler, than on any grounds of more accurate information. The only point in which there is a general coincidence, without any considerable variation, is in the position of the East Cape in latitude 66°. The form of the coast, both to the South and North of this Cape, in the map of the academy, is exceedingly erroneous, and may be totally disregarded. In that of Mr. Muller, the coast to the Northward bears a considerable resemblance to our survey, as far as the latter extends, except that it does not trend sufficiently to the Westward; receding only about 5°of longitude, between the latitude of 66° and 69° whereas, in reality, it recedes near ten. Between the latitude of 69° and 74°, he makes the coast bend round to the North and North East, and to form a considerable promontory. On what authority, now remains to be examined.

      Mr. Coxe, whose accurate researches into this subject, give his opinion great weight, is persuaded that the extremity of

the Noss in question, was never passed but by Deshneff and his party, who sailed from the river Kovyma in the year 1648, and are supposed to have got round it into the Anadyr. As the account of this expedition, the substance of which the Reader will find in Mr. Coxe's Account of Russian Discoveries, contains no geographical delineation of the coast along which they sailed, its position must be conjectured from incidental circumstances; and from these it appears very manifest, that the Tschukotskoi Noss of Deshneff is no other than the promontory called, by Captain Cook, the East Cape. Speaking of the Noss, he says, "One might sail from the isthmus to the river Anadyr, with a fair wind, in three days and three nights." This exactly coincides with the situation of the East Cape, which is about one hundred and twenty leagues from the mouth of the Anadyr; and as there is no other isthmus to the Northward between that and the latitude of 69°, it is obvious, that, by this description, he must intend either the Cape in question, or some other to the Southward of it. In another place he says, "Over against the isthmus there are two islands in the sea, upon which were seen people of the Tschutski nation, through whose lips were run pieces of the teeth of the sea-horse." This again perfectly agrees with the two islands situated to the South East of the East Cape. We saw indeed no inhabitants on them; but it is not at all improbable, that a party of the Americans, from the opposite continent, whom this description accurately suits, might, at that time, have been accidentally there; and whom it was natural enough for him to mistake for a tribe of the Tschutski.

These two circumstances are of so striking and unequivocal a nature, that they appear to me conclusive on the point of the Tschukotskoi Noss, notwithstanding there are others of a more doubtful kind, which we have from the same authority, and which now remain to be considered. "To go," says Deshneff in another account, "from the Kovyma, to the Anadyr, a great promontory must be doubled, which stretches very far into the sea;" and afterward, "this promontory stretches between North and North East." It was probably from the expressions contained in these passages, that Mr. Muller was induced to give the country of the Tschutski the form we find in his map; but had he been acquainted with the situation of the East Cape, as ascertained by Captain Cook, and the remarkable coincidence between it and their promontory or isthmus (for it must be observed, that Deshneff appears to be all along speaking of the same thing), in the circumstances already mentioned, I am confident, he would not have thought those expressions, merely by themselves, of sufficient weight to warrant him in extending the North Eastern extremity of Asia, either so far to the North or to the Eastward. For, after

all, these expressions are not irreconcileable with the opinion we have adopted, if we suppose Deshneff to have taken these bearings from the small bight which lies to the Westward of the Cape.

      The deposition of the Cossac Popoff, taken at the Anadirskoi ostrog, in the year 1711, seems to have been the next, authority on which Mr. Muller has proceeded; and beside these two, I am not acquainted with any other. This Cossac, together with several others, was sent by land to demand tribute from the independent Tschutski tribes, who lived about the Noss. The first circumstance, in the account of this journey, that can lead to the situation of Tschukotskoi Noss, is its distance from Anadirsk; and this is stated to be ten weeks journey, with loaded rein-deer; on which account it is added, their day'journey was but very small. It is impossible to conclude much from so vague an account; but, as the distance between the East Cape and the ostrog is upward of two hundred leagues in a straight line, and therefore may be supposed to allow twelve or fifteen miles a day; its situation cannot be reckoned incompatible with Popoff's calculation. The next circumstance mentioned in this deposition is, that their route lay by the foot of a rock called Matkol, situated at the bottom of a great gulf. This gulf Muller supposes to be the bay he had laid down between latitude 66° and 72° and accordingly places the rock Matkol in the center of it; but it appears equally probable, even if we had not so many reasons to doubt the existence of that bay, that it might be some part of the gulf of Anadir, which they would undoubtedly touch upon in their road from the ostrog to the East Cape.

      But what seems to put this matter beyond all dispute, and to prove that the Cape visited by Popoff cannot be to the

Northward of 69° latitude, is that part of his deposition, which I have already quoted, relative to the island lying off the Noss, from whence the opposite continent might be seen. For as the two continents, in latitude 69°, have diverged so far as to be more than three hundred miles distant, it is highly improbable, that the Asiatic coast should again trend in such a manner to the Eastward, as to come nearly within sight of the Coast of America.

      If these arguments should be deemed conclusive against the existence of the peninsula of the Tschutski, as laid down by Muller, it will follow, that the East Cape is the Tschukotskoi Noss of the ^* more early Russian navigators; and, consequently, that the undescribed coast, from the latitude of 69° to the mouth of the river Kovyma, must uniformly trend more or less to the Westward. As an additional proof of this, it may be remarked, that the Tschukotskoi Noss is always represented as dividing the sea of Kovyma from that of Anadir, which could not be the case, if any considerable cape had projected to the North East in the higher latitudes. Thus, in the depositions taken at Anadirsk, it is related, "that opposite the Noss, on both sides, as well in the sea of Kovyma, as in that of Anadir, an island is said to be seen at a great distance, which the Tschutski call a large country; and say, that people dwell there who have large teeth put in their mouths, that project through their cheeks." Then follows a description of these people and their country, exactly corresponding with our accounts of the opposite continent.

The last question that arises is, to what degree of Northern latitude this coast extends, before it trends more directly to the Westward. If the situation of the mouth of the Kovyma, both with respect to its latitude and longitude, were accurately determined, it would perhaps not be very difficult to form a probable conjecture upon this point. Captain Cook was always strongly of opinion, that the Northern coast of Asia, from the Indigirka eastward, has hitherto been generally laid down more than two degrees to the Northward of its true position; and he has, therefore, on the authority of a map that was in his possession, and on the information he received at Oonalashka, placed the mouth of the river Kovyma, in his chart of the North West coast of America, and the North East coast of Asia, in the latitude of 68°. Should he be right in this conjecture, it is probable, for the reasons that have been already stated, that the Asiatic coast does not any where exceed 70° before it trends to the Westward; and consequently, that we were within 1° of its North Eastern extremity. For, if the continent be supposed to stretch anywhere to the Northward of Shelatskoi Noss, it is scarcely possible, that so extraordinary a circumstance should not have been mentioned by the Russian navigators; and we have already shewn, that they make mention of no remarkable promontory between the Kovyma and the Anadir, except the East Cape. Another circumstance, related by Deshneff, may, perhaps, be thought a further confirmation of this opinion, namely, that he met with no impediment from ice in navigating round the North East extremity of Asia; though he adds, that this sea is not always so free from it; as indeed is manifest from the failure of his first. expedition, and, since that, from the un-

successful attempts of Shalauroff, and the obstacles we met with, in two different years, in our present voyage.

      The continent, left undetermined in our chart, between Cape North, and the mouth of the Kovyma, is, in longitudinal extent, one hundred and twenty-five leagues. One third, or about forty leagues, of this distance, from the the Kovyma Eastward, was explored in the year 1723, by a Sinbojarskoi of Jakutz, whose name was Fedot Amossoff; by whom Mr. Muller was informed, that its direction was to the Eastward. It is said to have been since accurately surveyed by Shalauroff, whose chart makes it trend to the North East by East, as far as the Shelatskoi Noss, which he places about forty-three leagues to the Eastward of the Kovyma. The space between this Noss and Cape North, about eighty-two leagues, is therefore the only part of the Russian empire that now remains unascertained.

      But if the river Kovyma be erroneously situated with respect to its longitude, as well as in its latitude, a supposition for which probable grounds are not wanting, the extent of the unexplored coast will become proportionably diminished. The reasons which incline me to believe, that the mouth of this river is placed in the Russian charts much too far to the Westward, are as follow: First, because the accounts that are given of the navigation of the Frozen Sea from that river, round the North East point of Asia, to the gulf of Anadir, do not accord with the supposed distance between those places. Secondly, because the distance over land, from the Kovyma to the Anadir, is represented by the early Russian travellers as a journey easily performed, and of no very extraordinary length. Thirdly, because the coast from the Shelatskoi Noss of Shalauroff ^* seems to trend directly South

East to the East Cape. If this be so, it will follow, that, as we were probably not more than 1° to the Southward of Shelatskoi Noss, only sixty miles of the Asiatic coast remain unascertained.

      Had Captain Cook lived to this period of our voyage, and experienced, in a second attempt, the impracticability of a North East or North West passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean, he would doubtless have laid before the Public, in one connected view, an account of the obstacles which defeated this, the primary object of our expedition, together with his observations on a subject of such magnitude, and which had engaged the attention, and divided the opinions of philosophers and navigators, for upward of two hundred years. I am very sensible how unequal I am to the task of supplying this deficiency; but that the expectations of the reader may not be wholly disappointed, I must beg his candid acceptance of the following observations, as well as of those I have already ventured to offer him, relative to the extent of the North East coast of Asia.

      The evidence that has been so fully and judiciously stated in the introduction, amounts to the highest degree of probability, that a North West passage, from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, cannot exist to the Southward of 65° of latitude. If then there exists a passage, it must be either through Baffin's Bay, or round by the North of Greenland, in the Western hemisphere; or else through the Frozen Ocean, to the Northward of Siberia, in the Eastern; and on whichever side it lies, the navigator must necessarily pass through Beering's Straits. The impracticability of penetrating into the Atlantic on either side, through this strait, is therefore all that remains to be submitted to the consideration of the Public.

      As far as our experience went, it appears, that the sea to the North of Beering's strait, is clearer of ice in August than in July, and perhaps in a part of September it may be still more free. But after the equinox, the days shorten so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected; and we cannot rationally allow so great an effect to the warm weather in the first half of September, as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice from the most Northern parts of the American coast. But admitting this to be possible, it must at least be granted, that it would be madness to attempt to run from the Icy Cape to the known parts of Baffin's Bay (a distance of four hundred and twenty leagues), in so short a time as that passage can be supposed to continue open.

      Upon the Asiatic side, there appears still less probability of success, both from what came to our own knowledge, with respect to the state of the sea to the Southward of Cape North, and also from what we learn from the experience of the ^* Lieutenants under Beering's direction, and the journal of Shalauroff, in regard to that on the North of Siberia.

      The voyage of Deshneff, if its truth be admitted, proves undoubtedly the possibility of passing round the North East point of Asia; but when the reader reflects, that near a century and a half has elapsed since the time of that navigator, during which, in an age of great curiosity and enterprize, no man has yet been able to follow him, he will not entertain very sanguine expectations of the public advantages that can be derived from it. But let us even suppose, that in some singularly favourable season a ship has found a clear passage round the coast of Siberia, and is safely arrived at the mouth of the Lena, still there remains the Cape of Tai-

mura, stretching to the 78°of latitude, which the good fortune of no single voyager has hitherto doubled.

      It is, however, contended, that there are strong reason for believing, that the sea is more free from ice, the nearer we approach to the pole; and that all the ice we saw in the lower latitudes, was formed in the great rivers of Siberia and America, the breaking up of which had filled the intermediate sea. But even if that supposition be true, it is equally so, that there can be no access to those open seas, unless this great mass of ice is so far dissolved in the summer, as to admit of a ship's getting through it. If this be the fact, we have taken a wrong time of the year for attempting to find this passage, which should have been explored in April and May, before the rivers were broken up. But how many reasons may be given against such a supposition. Our experience at Saint Peter and Saint Paul enabled us to judge what might be expected farther North; and upon that ground, we had reason to doubt, whether the continents might not in winter be even joined by the ice; and this agreed with the stories we heard in Kamrschatka, that on the Siberian coast, they go out from the shore in winter, upon the ice, to greater distances than the breadth of the sea is, in some parts, from, one continent to the other.

      In the depositions referred to above, the following remarkable circumstance is related. Speaking of the land seen from the Tschukotskoi Noss, it is said, " that in summer time they sail in one day to the land in baidares, a sort of vessel constructed of whale-bone, and covered with sealskins; and in winter time, going swift with rein deer, the journey may likewise be made in a day." A sufficient

proof, that the two countries were usually joined together by the ice.

      The account given by Mr. Muller, of one of the expeditions undertaken to discover a supposed island in the Frozen Sea, is still more remarkable. " In the year 1714, a new expedition was prepared from Jakutzk, for the same place, under the command of Alexei Markoff, who was to sail from the mouth of the Jana; and if the Schitiki were not fit for sea voyages, he was to construct, at a proper place, vessels fit for prosecuting the discoveries without danger.

      On his arrival at Ust-janskoe Simovie, the port at which he was to embark, he sent an account, dated February 2, 1715, to the Chancery of Jakutzk, mentioning, that it was impossible to navigate the sea, as it was continually frozen, both in summer and winter; and that, consequently, the intended expedition, was no otherwise to be carried on, but with sledges drawn by dogs. In this manner, he accordingly set out, with nine persons, on the 10th of March the same year, and returned on the 3d of April, to Ust-janskoe Simovie. The account of his journey is as follows: that he went seven days, as fast as his dogs could draw him (which, in good ways and weather, is eighty or a hundred wersts in a day) directly toward the North, upon the ice, without discovering any island: that it had not been possible for him to proceed any farther, the ice rising there in the sea like mountains: that he had climbed to the top of some of them, whence he was able to see to a great distance round about him, but could discern no appearance of

"land: and that, at last, wanting food for his dogs, many of them died, which obliged him to return."

      Besides these arguments, which proceed upon an admission of the hypothesis, that the ice in those seas comes from the rivers, there are others which give great room to suspect the truth of the hypothesis itself. Captain Cook, whose opinion respecting the formation of ice had formerly coincided with that of the theorists we are now controverting, found abundant reason, in the present voyage, for changing his sentiments. We found the coast of each continent to be low, the soundings gradually decreasing toward them, and a striking resemblance between the two; which, together with the description Mr. Hearne gives of the Coppermine river, afford reason to conjecture, that whatever rivers may empty themselves into the Frozen Sea, from the American continent, are of the same nature with those on the Asiatic side; which are represented to be so shallow at the entrance, as to admit only small vessels; whereas the ice we have seen, rises above the level of the sea to a height equal to the depth of those rivers; so that its entire height must be at least ten times greater.

      The curious reader will also, in this place, be led naturally to reflect on another circumstance, which appears very incompatible with the opinion of those who imagine land to be necessary for the formation of ice; I mean the different state of the sea about Spitsbergen, and to the North of Beering's Straits. It is incumbent on them to explain how it comes to pass, that in the former quarter, and in the vicinity of much known land, the navigator annually penetrates to near 80° North latitude; whereas, on the other side, his ut-

most efforts have not been able to carry him beyond 71°; where, moreover, the continents diverge nearly East and West, and where there is no land yet known to exist near the pole. For the farther satisfaction of the reader on this point, I shall beg leave to refer him to Observations made, during a voyage round the world, by Dr. Forster, where he will find the question of the formation of ice, fully and satisfactorily discussed, and the probability of open polar seas disproved by a variety of powerful arguments.

      I shall conclude these remarks with a short comparative view of the progress we made to the Northward, at the two different seasons we were engaged in that pursuit, together with a few general observations relative to the sea, and the coast of the two continents, which lie to the North of Beering's Straits.

      It may be observed, that in the year 1778, we did not meet with the ice, till we advanced to the latitude of 70°, on August 17th; and that then we found it in compact bodies, extending as far as the eye could reach, and of which a part or the whole was moveable, since, by its drifting down upon us, we narrowly escaped being hemmed in between it and the land. After experiencing both how fruitless and dangerous it would be to attempt to penetrate farther North, between the ice and the land, we stood over toward the Asiatic side, between the latitude 69° and 70°, frequently encountering, in this tract, large and extensive fields of ice; and though, by reason of the fogs, and thickness of the weather, we were not able absolutely and entirely to trace a connected line of it across, yet we were sure to meet with it before we reached the latitude of 70°, whenever we attempted to stand to the Northward. On the 26th of Au-

gust, in latitude 69 ¼°, and longitude 184°, we were obstructed by it in such quantities, as made it impossible for us to pass either to the North or West, and obliged us to run along the edge of it to the South South West, till we saw land, which we afterward found to be the coast of Asia. With the season thus far advanced, the weather setting in with snow and sleet, and other signs of approaching winter, we abandoned our enterprize for that time.

      In this second attempt, we could do little more than confirm the observations we had made in the first; for we were never able to approach the continent of Asia higher than the latitude of 67°, nor that of America in any parts, excepting a few leagues between the latitude of 68° and 68° 20′, that were not seen the last year. We were now obstructed by ice 3° lower, and our endeavours to push farther to the Northward, were principally confined to the mid-space between the two coasts. We penetrated near 3° farther on the American side than on the Asiatic, meeting with the ice both years sooner, and in greater quantities, on the latter coast. As we advanced North, we still sound the ice more compact and solid; yet as, in our different traverses from side to side, we passed over spaces which had before been covered with it, we conjectured, that most of what we saw was moveable. Its height, on a medium, we took to be from eight to ten feet, and that of the highest to have been sixteen or eighteen. We again tried the currents twice, and found them unequal, but never to exceed one mile an hour. By comparing the reckoning with the observations, we also found the current to set different ways,yet more from the South West than any other quarter; but whatever their direction might be, their effect was so trifling, that no conclusions, re-

specting the existence of any passage to the Northward, could be drawn from them. We found the month of July to be infinitely colder than that of August. The thermometer in July was once at 28°, and very commonly at 30°; whereas the last year, in August, it was very rare to have it so low as the freezing point. In both seasons, we had some high winds, all of which came from the South West. We were subject to fogs, whenever the wind was moderate, from whatever quarter, but they attended Southerly winds more constantly than contrary ones.

      The straits, between the two continents, at their nearest approach, in latitude 66°, were ascertained to be thirteen leagues, beyond which they diverge to North East by East and West North West; and in latitude 69°, they become 14° of longitude, or about one hundred leagues, asunder. A great similarity is observable in the appearance of the two countries, to the Northward of the straits. Both are destitute of wood. The shores are low, with mountains rising to a great height farther up the country. The depth of water, in the mid-way between them, was twenty-nine and thirty fathoms, decreasing gradually as we approached either continent, with the difference of being somewhat shoaler on the American than on the Asiatic coast, at the same distance from land. The bottom, in the middle, was a soft slimy mud; and on drawing near to either shore, a brown sand, intermixed with small fragments of bones, and a few shells. We observed but little tide or current; what there was, came from the Westward.

      But it is now time to resume the narrative of our voyage, which was broken off on the 31st of July, on which day at noon we had advanced eighteen leagues to the Southward of the East Cape.

      We had light airs from the South West, till noon of the 1st of August, at which time our latitude, by observation, was 64° 23′, longitude 189° 15′, the coast of Asia extended from North West by West to West half South, distant about twelve leagues; and the land to the Eastward of Saint Laurence bore South half West. On the 2d, the weather becoming clear, we saw the same land at noon, bearing from West South West half West to South East, making in a number of high hummocks, which had the appearance of separate islands; the latitude, by observation, was 64° 3′, longitude 189° 28′, and depth of water seventeen fathoms. We did not approach this land sufficiently near to determine, whether it was one island, or composed of a cluster together. Its Westernmost part we passed July 3d, in the evening, and then supposed to be the island of Saint Laurence; the Easternmost we ran close by in September last year, and this we named Clerke's Island, and found it to consist of a number of high cliffs, joined together by very low land. Though we mistook, the last year, those cliffs for separate islands, till we approached very near the shore, I should still conjecture, that the island Saint Laurence was distinct from Clerke's Island, since there appeared a considerable space between them, where we could not perceive the smallest rising of ground. In the afternoon, we also saw what bore the appearance of a small island, to the North East of the land, which was seen at noon, and which, from the haziness of the weather, we had only sight of once. We estimated its distance to be nineteen leagues from the island of Saint Laurence, in a North East by East half East direction. On the 3d, we had light variable winds, and directed our course round the North West point of the island of Saint Laurence. On the 4th, at noon, our latitude, by

account, was 64° 8′, longitude 188°; the Island St. Laurence bearing South one quarter East, distant seven leagues. In the afternoon, a fresh breeze Springing up from the East, we steered to the South South West, and soon lost sight of St. Laurence. On the 7th, at noon, the latitude, by observation, was 59° 38′, longitude 183°. In the afternoon, it sell calm, and we got a great number of cod in seventy-eight fathoms of water. The variation was found to be 19° East. From this time, to the 17th, we were making the best of our way to the South, without any occurrence worth remarking, except that the wind coming from the Western quarter, forced us farther to the Eastward than we wished, as it was our intention to make Beering's island.

      On the 17th, at half past four in the morning, we Saw land to the North West, which we could not approach, the wind blowing from that quarter. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 53° 49′, longitude 168° 5′, and variation 10° East. The land in sight bore North by West, twelve or fourteen leagues distant. This land we take to be the island Mednoi, laid down, in the Russian charts, to the South East of Beering's Island. It is high land, and appeared clear of Snow. We place it in the latitude 54° 28′, longitude 167° 52′. We got no soundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line.

      Captain Clerke was now no longer able to get out of his bed; he therefore desired, that the officers would receive their orders from me, and directed that we Should proceed, with all speed, to Awatska Bay. The wind continuing Westerly, we stood on to the South, till early on the morning of

the 19th, when, after a few hours rain, it blew from the Eastward, and freshened to a strong gale. We accordingly made the most of it whilst it lasted, by standing to the Westward, under all the sail we could carry. On the 20th, the wind shifting to the South West, our course was to the West North West. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 53° 7′, longitude 162° 49′. On the 21st, at half past five in the morning, we saw a very high peaked mountain on the coast of Kamtschatka, called Cheepoonskoi Mountain, from its lying behind the Noss, bearing North West by North, twenty-five or thirty leagues distant. At noon, the coast extended from North by East to West, with a very great haziness upon it, and distant about twelve leagues. We had light airs the remaining part of this and the following day, and got no soundings with one hundred and forty fathoms of line.

      On the 22d of August, 1779, at nine o'clock in the morning, departed this life Captain Charles Clerke, in the thirty-eighth year of his age. He died of a consumption, which had evidently commenced before he left England, and of which he had lingered during the whole voyage. His very gradual decay had long made him a melancholy object to his friends; yet the equanimity with which he bore it, the constant flow of good spirits, which continued to the last hour, and a cheerful resignation to his fate, afforded them some consolation. It was impossible not to feel a more than common degree of compassian for a person, whose life had been a continued scene of those difficulties and hardships, to which a seaman's occupation is subject, and under which he at last sunk. He was brought up to the Navy from his

earliest youth, and had been in several actions during the war which began in 1756, particularly in that between the Bellona and Courageux, where being stationed in the mizentop; he was carried overboard with the mast, but was taken up without having received any hurt. He was Midshipman in the Dolphin, commanded by Commodore Byron, on her first Voyage round the world, and afterward served on the American station. In 1768, he made his second voyage round the world, in the Endeavour, as Master's Mate, and by the promotion, which took place during the expedition, he returned a Lieutenant. His third voyage round the world was in the Resolution, of which he was appointed the Second Lieutenant: and soon after his return, in 1775, he was promoted to the rank of Master and Commander. When the present expedition was ordered to be fitted out, he was appointed to the Discovery, to accompany Captain Cook; and, by the death of the latter, succeeded, as has been already mentioned, to the chief command.

      It would be doing his memory extreme injustice not to say, that during the short time the expedition was under his direction, he was most zealous and anxious for its success. His health, about the time the principal command devolved upon him, began to decline very rapidly, and was every way unequal to encounter the rigours of a high Northern climate. But the vigour and activity of his mind had, in no shape, suffered by the decay of his body: and though he knew, that by delaying his return to a warmer climate, he was giving up the only chance that remained for his recovery, yet, careful and jealous to the last degree, that a regard

to his own situation should never bias his judgment to the prejudice of the service, he persevered in the search of a passage, till it was the opinion of every officer in both ships, that it was impracticable, and that any farther attempts would not only be fruitless, but dangerous.

CHAP. V.

Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.— Promotion of Officers.—Funeral of Captain Clerke.—Damages of the Discovery repaired.—Various other Occupations of the Ships Crews.—Letters from the Commander.—Supply of Flour and Naval Stores from a Russian Galliot.—Account of an Exile.—Bear-hunting and Fishing Parties.—Disgrace of the Serjeant.—Celebration of the King's Coronation Day, and Visit from the Commander.—The Serjeant reinstated.—A Russian Soldier promoted at our Request.—Remarks on the Discipline of the Russian Army.—Church at Paratounca.—Method of Bear-hunting.—Farther Account of the Bears and Kamtschadales.—Inscription to the Memory of Captain Clerke.—Supply of Cattle.—Entertainments on the Empress's Name Day.—Present from the Commander.—Attempt of a Marine to desert.—Work out of the Bay.— Nautical and Geographical Description of Awatska Bay.— Astronomical Tables, and Observations.

      I Sent Mr. Williamson to acquaint Captain Gore with the death of Captain Clerke, and received a letter from him, ordering me to use all my endeavours to keep in company with the Discovery; and, in case of a separation, to

make the best of my way to the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul. At noon, we were in latitude 53° 8′ North, longitude 160° 40′ East, with Cheepoonskoi Noss bearing West. We had light airs in the afternoon, which lasted through the forenoon of the 23d. At noon, a fresh breeze springing up from the Eastward, we stood in for the entrance of Awatska Bay; and at six in the evening, saw it bearing West North West half West, distant five leagues. At eight, the light house, in which we now found a good light, bore North West by West, three miles distant. The wind about this time died away; but the tide being in our favour, we sent the boats ahead, and towed beyond the narrow parts of the entrance; and, at one o'clock in the morning of the 24th, the ebb tide setting against us, we dropped anchor. At nine, we weighed, and turned up the bay with light airs, and the boats still ahead till one; when, by the help of a fresh breeze, we anchored, before three in the afternoon, in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, with our ensign half staff up, on account of our carrying the body of our late Captain; and were soon after followed by the Discovery.

      We had no sooner anchored, than our old friend, the Serjeant, who was still the Commander of the place, came on board with a present of berries, intended for our poor deceased Captain. He was exceedingly affected when we told him of his death, and shewed him the coffin that contained his body. And as it was Captain Clerke's particular request to be buried on shore, and, if possible, in the church of Paratounca, we took the present opportunity of explaining this matter to the Serjeant, and consulting with him about the proper steps to be taken on the occasion. In the course of our conversation, which, for want of an interpre-

ter, was carried on but imperfectly, we learned that Professor de L'Isle, and several Russian gentlemen, who died here, had been buried in the ground near the barracks, at the ostrog of St. Peter and St. Paul's; and that this place would be preferable to Paratounca, as the church was to be removed thither the next year. It was therefore determined, that we should wait for the arrival of the Priest of Paratounca, whom the Serjeant advised us to send for, as the only person that could satisfy our inquiries on this subject. The Serjeant having, at the same time, signified his intentions of sending off an express to the Commander at Bolcheretsk, to acquaint him with our arrival, Captain Gore availed himself of that occasion of writing him a letter, in which he requested that sixteen head of black cattle might be sent with all possible expedition. And because the Commander did not understand any language except his own, the nature of our request was made known to the Serjeant, who readily undertook to send, along with our letter, an explanation of its contents.

      We could not help remarking, that, although the country was much improved in its appearance since we were last here, the Russians looked, if possible, worse now than they did then. It is to be owned, they observed, that this was also the case with us; and as neither party seemed to like to be told of their bad looks, we found mutual consolation in throwing the blame upon the country, whose green and lively complexion, we agreed, cast a deadness and sallowness upon our own.

      The irruption of the volcano, which was so violent when we sailed out of the bay, we found, had done no damage here, notwithstanding stones had fallen at the ostrog, of the

size of a goose's egg. This was all the news we had to inquire after, and all they had to tell; excepting that of the arrival of Soposnikoff from Oonalashka, who took charge of the pacquet Captain Cook had sent to the Admiralty, and which, it gave us much satisfaction to find, had been forwarded.

      In the morning of the 25th, Captain Gore made out the new commissions, in consequence of Captain Clerke's death; appointing himself to the command of the Resolution, and me to the command of the Discovery; and Mr. Lanyan, master's Mate of the Resolution, who had served in that capacity on board the Adventure in the former voyage, was promoted to the vacant Lieutenancy. These promotions produced the following farther arrangements: Lieutenants Burney and Rickman were removed from the Discovery, to be First and Second Lieutenants of the Resolution; and Lieutenant Williamson was appointed First Lieutenant of the Discovery. Captain Gore also permitted me to take into the Discovery, four Midshipmen, who had made themselves useful to me in astronomical calculations, and whose assistance was now particularly necessary, as we had no ephemeris for the present year. And, that astronomical observations might continue to be made in both ships, Mr. Bayley took my place in the Resolution. The same day we were visited by the Pope Romanoff Vereshagen, the worthy Priest of Paratounca. He expressed his sorrow at the death of Captain Clerke in a manner that did honour to his feelings, and confirmed the account given by the Serjeant, respecting the intended removal of the church to the harbour; adding, that the timber was actually preparing, but leaving the choice of either place entirely to Captain Gore.

      The Discovery, as has been mentioned, had suffered great damage from the ice, particularly on the 23d day of July; and having, ever since, been exceedingly leaky, it was imagined that some of her timbers had started. Captain Gore therefore sent the carpenters of the Resolution to assist our own in repairing her; and accordingly, the forehold being cleared, to lighten her forward, they were set to work to rip the damaged sheathing from the larboard bow. This operation discovered, that three feet of the third strake, under the wale, were staved, and the timbers within started. A tent was next erected, for the accommodation of such of our people as were employed on shore; and a party were sent a mile into the country, to the Northward of the harbour, to fell timber. The observatories were erected at the West end of the village, near a tent, in which Captain Gore and myself took up our abode.

      The farther we proceeded in removing the sheathing, the more we discovered of the decayed state of the ship's hull. The next morning, eight feet of a plank in the wale were found to be so exceedingly rotten, as to make it necessary to shift it. This left us for some time at a stand, as nothing was to be found, in either ship, wherewith to replace it, unless we chose to cut up a top mast; an expedient not to be had recourse to, till all others failed. The carpenters were therefore sent on shore in the afternoon, in search of a tree big enough for the purpose. Luckily they found a birch, which I believe was the only one of sufficient size in the whole neighbourhood of the bay, and which had been sawed down by us when we were last here; so that it had the advantage of having lain some time to season. This was shaped on the spot, and brought on board the next morning.

      As the season was now so far advanced, I was fearful lest any delay or hindrance should arise, on our parts, to Captain Gore's farther views of discovery, and therefore gave orders that no more sheathing should be ripped off, than was absolutely necessary for repairing the damages sustained by the ice. This I did, being apprehensive of their meeting with more decayed planks, which, I judged, had much better remain in that state, than be filled up with green birch, upon a supposition that such was to be had. All hands were, at present, busily employed in separate duties, that every thing might be in readiness for sea, against the time our carpenters should have finished their work. We set apart four men to haul the seine for salmon, which were caught in great abundance, and found to be of an excellent quality. After supplying the immediate wants of both ships, we salted down near a hogshead a day. The invalids, who were four in number, were employed in gathering greens, and in cooking for the parties on shore. Our powder was also landed, in order to be dried; and the sea-horse blubber, with which both ships, in our passage to the North (as has been before related), had stored themselves, was now boiled down for oil, which was become a necessary article, our candles having long since been expended. The cooper was fully engaged in his department: and in this manner were both ships companies employed in their several occupations, till Saturday afternoon, which was given up to all our men, except the carpenters, for the purpose of washing their linen, and getting their clothes in some little order, that they might make a decent appearance on Sunday.

      In the afternoon of that day, we paid the last offices to Captain Clerke. The officers and men of both ships walked

in procession to the grave, whilst the ships fired minute-guns; and the service being ended, the marines fired three vollies. He was interred under a tree, which stands on rising ground, in the valley to the North side of the harbour, where the hospital and store houses are situated; Captain Gore having judged this situation most agreeable to the last wishes of the deceased, for the reasons above-mentioned; and the Priest of Paratounca having pointed out a spot for his grave, which, he said, would be as near as he could guess, in the centre of the new church. This reverend Pastor walked in the procession, along with the gentleman who read the service; and all the Russians in the garrison were assembled, and attended with great respect and solemnity.

      On the 30th, the different parties returned to their respective employments, as mentioned in the course of the preceding week; and on the 2d of September, the carpenters having shifted the rotten and damaged planks, and repaired and caulked the sheathing of the larboard bow, proceeded to rip off the sheathing that had been injured by the ice, from the starboard side. Here, again, they discovered four feet of a plank, in the third strake under the wale, so shaken, as to make it necessary to be replaced. This was accordingly done, and the sheathing repaired on the 3d. In the afternoon of the same day, we got on board some ballast, unhung the rudder, and sent it on shore, the lead of the pintles being found entirely worn away, and a great part of the sheathing rubbed off. As the carpenters of the Resolution were not yet wanted, we got this set to rights the next day, but finding the rudder out of all proportion heavy, even heavier than that of the Resolution, we let it remain on shore, in order to dry and lighten.

      The same day, an ensign arrived from Bolcheretsk with a letter from the Commander to Captain Gore, which we put into the Serjeant's hands, and, by his assistance, were made to understand, that orders had been given about the cattle; and that they might be expected here in a few days; and, moreover, that Captain Shmaleff, the present Commander, would himself pay us a visit immediately on the arrival of a sloop which was daily expected from Okotzk. The young officer, who brought the letter, was the son of the Captain Lieutenant Synd, who commanded an expedition on discovery, between Asia and America, eleven years ago, and resided at this time at Okotzk ^*. He informed us, that he was sent to receive our directions, and to take care to get us supplied with whatever our service might require; and that he should remain with us, till the Commander was himself able to leave Bolcheretsk; after which he was to return, that the garrison there might not be left without an officer.

      On the 5th, the parties that were on shore returned on board, and were employed in scrubbing the ship's bottom,

and getting in eight tons of shingle ballast. We also got up two of our guns, that had been stowed in the fore-hold, and mounted them on the deck, being now about to visit nations, our reception amongst whom might a good deal depend on the respectability of our appearance.

      The Resolution hauled on shore on the 8th, to repair some damages, which she had also received among the ice, in her cutwater; and our carpenters, in their turn, were sent to her assistance.

      About this time we began to brew a strong decoction of a species of dwarf-pine that grows here in great abundance, thinking that it might hereafter be useful in making beer, and that we should probably be able to procure sugar or melasses to ferment with it at Canton. At all events, I was sure it would be serviceable as a medicine for the scurvy; and was more particularly desirous of supplying myself with as much of it as I could procure, because most of the preventatives we had brought out, were either used, or spoiled by keeping. By the time we had prepared a hogshead of it, the ship's copper was discovered to be very thin, and cracked in many places. This obliged me to desist, and to give orders, that it should be used as sparingly, for the future, as possible. It might, perhaps, be an useful precaution for those who may hereafter be engaged in long voyages of this kind, either to provide themselves with a spare copper, or to see that the copper usually furnished be of the strongest kind. The various extra-services, in which it will be found necessary to employ them, and especially the important one of making antiscorbutic decoctions, seem absolutely to require some such provision; and I should rather recommend the former on account

of the additional quantity of fuel that would be consumed in heating thick coppers.

      In the morning of the 10th, the boats from both ships were sent to tow into the harbour a Russian galliot from Okotzk. She had been thirty-five days on her passage, and had been seen from the light-house a fortnight ago, beating up toward the mouth of the bay. At that time, the crew had sent their only boat on shore for water, of which they now began to be in great want; and the wind freshening, the boat was lost on its return; and the galliot, being driven out to sea again, had suffered exceedingly.

      There were fifty soldiers in her, with their wives and children; and several other passengers, besides the crew, which consisted of twenty-five; so that they had upward of an hundred souls on board. A great number for a vessel of eighty tons; and that was also heavy laden with stores and provisions. Both this galliot, and the sloop we saw here in May, are built like the Dutch doggers. Soon after she had come to anchor, we received a visit from a Put-parouchich, or Sub-lieutenant, who was a passenger in the galliot, and sent to take the command of this place. Part of the soldiers, we understood, were also designed to reinforce the garrison; and two pieces of small cannon were landed, as an additional defence to the town. It should seem, from these circumstances, that our visit here had drawn the attention of the Russian Commanders in Siberia to the defenceless situation of the place; and I was told by the honest Serjeant, with many significant shrugs, that, as we had found our way into it, other nations might do the same, some of whom might not be altogether so welcome.

      Next morning the Resolution hauled off from the shore, having repaired the damages she had sustained by the ice; and, in the course of the day, we got from the galliot a small quantity of pitch, tar, cordage, and twine; canvass was the only thing we asked for, with which their scanty store did not put it into their power to supply us. We also received from her an hundred and forty skins of flour, amounting to 13,782 pounds English, after deducting five pounds for the weight of each bag.

      We had a constant course of dry weather till this day, when there came on a heavy rain, accompanied with strong squalls of wind, which obliged us to strike our yards and topmasts.

      The 12th, being Sunday, was kept as a day of rest; but the weather unfortunately continuing foul, our men could not derive the advantage from it we wished, by gathering the berries that grew in great quantities and varieties on the coast; and taking other pastime on shore. The same day, Ensign Synd left us to return to Bolcheretsk with the remainder of the soldiers that came in the galliot. He had been our constant guest during his stay. Indeed, we could not but consider him, on his father's account, as, in some measure, belonging to us, and entitled, as one of the family of discoverers, to a share in our affections.

      We had hitherto admitted the Serjeant to our tables, in consideration of his being Commander of the place; and, moreover, because he was a quick, sensible man, and comprehended better than any other the few Russian words we had learned. Ensign Synd had very politely suffered him to enjoy the same privileges during his stay; but, on the arrival of the new Commander from Okotzk, the Serjeant,

for some cause or other, which we could not learn, fell into disgrace, and was no longer suffered to sit down in the company of his own officers. It was in vain to think of making any attempt to obtain an indulgence, which, though it would have been highly agreeable to us, was doubtless incompatible with their discipline.

      On Wednesday we had finished the stowage of the holds; got on board all our wood and water; and were ready to put to sea at a day's notice. It is however necessary to observe, that though every thing was in this degree of readiness on board, the cattle were not yet arrived from Verchnei; and as fresh provisions were the most important article of our wants, and in a great measure necessary for the health of the men, we could not think of taking our departure without them. We therefore thought this a favourable opportunity (especially as there was an appearance of fine weather) of taking some amusement on shore, and acquiring a little knowledge of the country. Accordingly, Captain Gore proposed a party of bear-hunting, which we all very readily came into.

      We did not set out on this expedition till Friday the 17th, in order to give a day's rest to the Hospodin Ivaskin, a new acquaintance, that was to be of our party, and who came down here on Wednesday. This gentleman, who, we understood, usually resides at Verchnei, had been desired by Major Behm to attend us on our return to the harbour, in order to be our interpreter; and the accounts we had heard of him, before his arrival, had excited in us a great curiosity to see him.

      He is of a considerable family in Russia. His father was a General in the Empress's service; and he himself, after

having received his education partly in France, and partly in Germany, had been page to the Empress Elizabeth, and an Ensign in her guards. At the age of sixteen he was knowted, had his nose slit, and was banished first to Siberia and afterward to Kamtschatka, where he had now lived thirty-one years. He was a very tall thin man, with a face all over furrowed with deep wrinkles; and bore, in his whole figure, the strongest marks of old age, though he had scarcely reached his fifty-fourth year.

      To our very great disappointment, he had so totally forgotten both his German and French, as not to be able to speak a sentence, nor readily to understand what was said to him, in either of these languages. We found ourselves thus unfortunately deprived of what we flattered ourselves would have turned out a favourable opportunity of getting farther information relative to this country. We had also promised ourselves much pleasure from the history of this extraordinary man, which he probably would have been induced to relate to strangers, who might perhaps be of some little service to him, but who could have no inducement to take advantage, from any thing he might say, to do him an injury. No one here knew the cause of his banishment; but they took it for granted, that it must have been for something very atrocious; particularly, as two or three Commanders of Kamtschatka have endeavoured to get him recalled, since the present Empress's reign; but far from succeeding in this, they have not been even able to get the place of his banishment changed. He told us, that, for twenty years, he had not tasted bread, nor had been allowed subsistence of any kind whatsoever; but that, during this period, he had lived among the Kamtschadales, on what his own activity and toil in the chace had furnished. That af-

terward he had a small pension granted; and that since Major Behm came to the command, his situation had been infinitely mended. The notice that worthy man had taken of him, and his having often invited him to become his guest, had been the occasion of others following his example; besides which, he had been the means of getting his pension increased to one hundred roubles a year; which is the common pay of an Ensign in all parts of the Empress's dominions, except in this province, where the pay of all the officers is double. Major Behm told us, that he had obtained permission to take him to Okotzk, which was to be the place of his residence in future; but that he should leave him behind for the present, on an idea, that he might, on our return to the bay, be useful to us as an interpreter.

      Having given orders to the First Lieutenants of both ships, to let the rigging have such a repair as the supply of stores, we had lately received, would permit, we set out on our hunting party, under the direction of the corporal of the Kamtschadales, intending, before we began to look for our game, to proceed straight to the head of Behm's Harbour. It is an inlet on the West side of the bay (which we had named after that officer, from its being a favourite place of his, and having been surveyed by himself), and is called by the natives Tareinska.

      In our way toward this harbour, we met the Toion of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, in a canoe, with his wife and two children, and another Kamtschadale. He had killed two seals upon a round island, that lies in the entrance of the harbour, with which, and a great quantity of berries that he had gathered, he was returning home. As the wind had veered to the South West, we now changed our route, by

his advice; and, instead of going up the harbour, directed our course to the Northward, toward a pool of water that lies near the mouth of the river Paratounca, and which was a known haunt of the bears. We had scarce landed, when unfortunately the wind changed to the Eastward, and a second time destroyed all hopes of coming up with our game; for the Kamtschadales assured us, that it was in vain to expect to meet with bears, whilst we were to the windward; owing to their being possessed of an uncommon acuteness in scenting their pursuers, which enabled them, under such circumstances, to avoid the danger, whilst it is yet at a very great distance. We returned therefore to the boat, and passed the night on the beach, having brought a tent with us for that purpose; and the next day, by the advice of our guides, crossed the bay, and went to the head of Rakoweena Harbour.

      Having here secured the boats, we proceeded with all our luggage on foot, and, after a walk of five or six miles, came to the sea-side, a league to the Northward of the Light-house Head. From hence, as far as we could see toward Cheepoonskoi Noss, there is a continued narrow border of low level ground adjoining to the sea, which is covered with heath, and produces great abundance of berries, particularly those called partridge and crow berries. We were told, we should not fail to meet with a number of bears, feeding upon these berries; but that the weather being showery, was unfavourable for us.

      Accordingly, we directed our course along this plain; and though we saw several bears at a distance, we could never, with all our management, contrive to get within shot of them. Our diversion was therefore changed to spearing of

salmon, which we saw pushing, in great numbers, through the surf into a small river. I could not help observing, how much inferior our Kamtschadales were at this method of fishing, to the people at Oonalashka; nor were their instruments, although pointed with iron, near so good for the purpose, nor to be compared in neatness, to those of the Americans, though pointed only with bone. On inquiring into the reason of this inferiority, I was informed by the corporal, who had lived many years amongst the Americans, that formerly the Kamtschadales made use of the same kind of darts and spears with the Americans, headed and barbed with bone, and were not less dexterous in the management of them than the latter. We could not understand one another sufficiently for me to learn the cause of this change; probably it was one of the not unusual effects of a forced and imperfect state of improvement. It fell out very opportunely, that the water afforded us a little prey; for besides our ill success in the chace by land, we had also been disappointed in our expectations of shooting wild fowl, on a supply of which we had in some measure depended for our subsistence; and on its failure, began to think that we had been full long absent from head-quarters.

      Our Kamtschadales now discovered, that the want of success, in not meeting with game, was owing to the party being too large, and to the unavoidable noise that was the consequence of it. We therefore agreed to separate; Ivaskin, the corporal, and myself, forming one party; Captain Gore, and the rest of the company, the other.

      Accordingly, after passing the night under our tent, we set out on the morning of the 19th, by different routes, meaning, to take a circuit round the country, and meet at

Saint Peter and Saint Paul. The party to which I belonged, took the course of the river, at the mouth of which we had fished for the salmon; and, after being thoroughly soaked by the heavy rains that fell all the morning, we came about three in the afternoon to some old balagans, where a Kamtschadale village had been formerly situated, without meeting with a single bear during the whole of a long and tedious walk. It was our first intention to have remained here all night, in order to have resumed our chace early the next morning; but the weather clearing, and at the same time a fresh breeze springing up from a quarter unfavourable to our designs, the Hospodin, whom former sufferings had made very unsit to bear much fatigue, and who seemed, at present, more particularly distressed from having emptied his snuff-box, began to be very importunate with us to return home. It was some time before the old corporal consented, alleging, that we were at a great distance from the harbour; and that, on account of the badness of the way, the night would probably overtake us before we reached the end of our journey. At length, however, he yielded to Ivaskin's intreaties, and conducted us along the side of a number of small lakes, with which the flat part of this country seems much to abound. These lakes are from half a mile to two miles in length, and about half a mile broad; the water is fresh and clear, and they are full of a red coloured fish, resembling, both in shape and size, a small salmon; of which a more particular description will be given hereafter. The banks of these lakes were covered with the fragments of fish that the bears had half eaten, and which caused an intolerable stench. We often came upon the spots which the bears had just left, but were never able even to come within sight of them.

      It was night before we reached the ships, and we had then been twelve hours upon our legs. Poor Ivaskin found himself exceedingly tired and overcome with fatigue; probably, he was more sensible of it, for want of a supply of snuff; for, every step he took, his hand dived mechanically into his pocket, and drew out his huge empty box. We had scarcely got into the tent, when the weather set in exceedingly rough and wet. We congratulated ourselves, that we had not stayed out another day, the Hospodin's box was replenished, and we forgot the fatigues and ill success of our expedition over a good supper.

      I was exceedingly sorry, on being told the next day, that our friend the serjeant had undergone corporal punishment, during our absence, by command of the old Put-parouchick. None of our people had been able to learn what was the cause of his displeasure; but it was imagined to have arisen from some little jealousy subsisting between them, on account of the civility which we had shewn to the former. However, having every reason to believe, that the offence, whatever it might be, did not call for so disgraceful a chastisement, we could not help being both sorry and much provoked at it, as the terms on which we had lived with him, and the interest we were known to take in his affairs, made the affront in some measure personal to ourselves. For it has not yet been mentioned, that we had consulted with the late worthy Commander, Major Behm, who was also his friend, by what means we might be most likely to succeed in doing him some service, for the good order he had kept in the ostrog during our stay, and for his readiness, on all occasions, to oblige us. The Major advised a letter of recommendation to the Governor General, which Captain Clerke had accordingly given him, and

which, backed with his own representations, he had no doubt would get the serjeant advanced a step higher in his profession.

      We did not choose to make any remonstrance on this subject, till the arrival of Captain Shmaleff. Indeed our inability, from the want of language, to enter into any discussion of the business, made it advisable to come to this determination. However, when the Put-paroachick paid us his next visit, we could not help testifying our chagrin, by receiving him very coolly.

      The 22d, being the anniversary of his Majesty's coronation, twenty-one guns were fired, and the handsomest feast our situation would allow of was prepared, in honour of the day. As we were sitting down to dinner, the arrival of Captain Shmaleff was announced. This was a most agreeable surprize; in the first place, because he arrived so opportunely to partake of the good fare and festivity of the occasion; and, in the next, because, in our last accounts of him, we were given to understand, that the effects of a severe illness had made him unequal to the journey. We were glad to find this had been merely an excuse; that, in fact, he was ashamed of coming empty-handed, knowing we must be in great want of tea, sugar, &c. &c.; and that therefore he had deferred his setting out, in daily expectation of the sloop from Okotsk; but having no tidings of her, and dreading lest we should sail, without his having paid us a visit, he was determined to set out, though with nothing better to present to us, than apologies for the poverty of Bolcheretsk. At the same time, he acquainted us, that our not having received the sixteen head of black cattle, we had desired might be sent down, was owing to the very heavy rains

at Verchnei, which had prevented their setting out. We made the best answer we were able, to so much politeness and generosity; and the next day, on coming on board the Resolution, he was saluted with eleven guns. Specimens of all our curiosities were presented to him; and Captain Gore added to them a gold watch, and a fowling-piece.

      The next day, he was entertained on board the Discovery; and on the 25th, he took leave of us to return to Bolcheretsk. He could not be prevailed on to lengthen his visit, having some expectations, as he told us, that the Sub-governor General, who was at this time making a tour through all the provinces of the Governor General of Jakutsk, might arrive in the sloop that was daily expected from Okotsk. Before his departure, and without any interference of ours, he reinstated the Serjeant in the command of this place, having determined to take the Put-parouchick along with him; at the same time, we understood that he was highly displeased with him, on account of the punishment that had been inflicted on the Serjeant, and for which there did not appear to be the slightest grounds.

      Captain Shmaleff's great readiness to give us every possible proof of his desire to oblige us, encouraged us to ask a small favour, for another of our Kamtschadale friends. It was to requite an old soldier, whose house had been, at all times, open to the inferior officers, and who had done both them, and all the crew, a thousand good offices. The Captain most obligingly complied with our request, and dubbed him (which was all he wished for) a corporal, upon the spot; and ordered him to thank the English officers for his great promotion. It may not here be improper to ob-

serve, that, in the Russian army, the inferior class of officers enjoy a degree of pre-eminence above the private men, with which we, in our service, are in a great measure unacquainted. It was no small astonishment to us, to see a Serjeant keep up all the state, and exact all the respect, from all beneath him, belonging to a field officer. It may be farther remarked, that there are many more gradations of rank amongst them, than are to be met with in other countries. Between a serjeant and a private man, there are not less than four intermediate steps; and I have no doubt, but that the advantages arising from this system are found to be very considerable. The salutary effects of little subordinate ranks in our sea-service, cannot be questioned. It gives rise to great emulation, and the superior officers are enabled to bestow, on almost every possible degree of merit, a reward proportioned to it.

      Having been incidentally led into this subject, I shall beg leave to add but one observation more, namely, that the discipline of the Russian army, though at this distance from the seat of government, is of the strictest and severest kind; from which even the commissioned officers are not exempt. The punishment of the latter for small offences is imprisonment, and a bread and water diet. An Ensign, a good friend of ours at this place, told us, that for having been concerned in a drunken riot, he was confined in the black hole for three months, and fed upon bread and water; which, he said, so shattered his nerves, that he had never since had spirits for a common convivial meeting.

      I accompanied Captain Shmaleff to the entrance of Awatska River, and, having bid him farewel, took this opportunity of paying a visit to the Priest of Paratounca. On Sunday

the 26th, I attended him to church. The congregation consisted of his own family, three Kamtschadale men, and three boys, who assisted in singing part of the service; the whole of which was performed in a very solemn and edifying manner. The church is of wood, and by far the best building either in this town, or in that of St. Peter and St. Paul. It is ornamented with many paintings, particularly with two pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, presented by Beering; and which, in the real richness of their drapery, would carry off the prize from the first of our European performances; for all the principal parts of it are made of thick plates of solid silver, fastened to the canvass, and fashioned into the various foldings of the robes with which the figures were clothed.

      The next day, I set on foot another hunting party, and put myself under the direction of the Clerk of the parish, who was a celebrated bear-hunter. We arrived, by sun-set, at the side of one of the larger lakes. The next step was to conceal ourselves as much as possible; and this we were able to do very effectually, among some long grass and brushwood, that grew close to the water's edge. We had not lain long in ambush, before we had the pleasure to hear the growlings of bears in different parts round about us; and our expectations were soon gratified, by the sight of one of them in the water, which seemed to be swimming directly to the place where we lay hid. The moon, at this time, gave a considerable light; and when the animal had advanced about fifteen yards, three of us fired at it, pretty nearly at the same time. The beast immediately turned short on one side, and set up a noise, which could not properly be called roaring, nor growling, nor yelling, but was

a mixture of all three, and horrible beyond description. We plainly saw that it was severely wounded, and that with difficulty it gained the bank, and recreated to some thick bushes at a little distance. It still continued to make the same loud and terrible noise; and though the Kamtschadales were persuaded it was mortally wounded, and could get no farther, yet they thought it most adviseable not to rouse it again for the present. It was, at this time, past nine o'clock; and the night becoming overcast, and threatening a change of weather, we thought it most prudent to return home, and defer the gratification of our curiosity till morning, when we returned to the spot, and found the bear dead in the place to which it had been watched. It proved to be a female, and beyond the common size.

      As the account of our first hunting party will be apt to give the reader a wrong idea of the method in which this sport is usually conducted; it may not be amiss to add a few more words on the subject; and which I am the better able to do since this last expedition.

      When the natives come to the ground frequented by the bears, which they contrive to reach about sun-set, the first step is to look for their tracks, to examine which are the freshest, and the best situated with a view to concealment, and taking aim at the beast, either as he is passing by, or advancing in front, or going from them. These tracks are found in the greatest numbers, leading from the woods down to the lakes, and among the long sedgy grass and brakes by the edge of the water. The place of ambuscade being determined upon, the hunters next fix in the ground the crutches, upon which their firelocks are made to rest, pointing them in the direction they mean to make their

shot. This done, they kneel or lie down, as the circumstances of the cover require; and, with their bear-spears their side, wait for their game. These precautions, which are chiefly taken, in order to make sure of their mark, are, on several accounts, highly expedient. For, in the first place, ammunition is so dear at Kamtschatka, that the price of a bear will not purchase more of it than is sufficient to load a musket four or five times; and, what is more material, if the bear be not rendered incapable of pursuit by the first shot, the consequences are often fatal. He immediately makes toward the place from whence the noise and smoke issue, and attacks his adversaries with great fury. It is impossible for them to reload, as the animal is seldom at more than twelve or fifteen yards distance, when he is fired at: so that, if he does not fall, they immediately put themselves in a posture to receive him upon their spears; and their safety greatly depends on their giving him a mortal stab, as he first comes upon them. If he parries the thrust (which, by the extraordinary strength and agility of their paws, they are often enabled to do), and thereby breaks in upon his adversaries, the conflict becomes very unequal, and it is well if the life of one of the party alone suffice to pay the forfeit.

      There are two seasons of the year when this diversion, or occupation, as it may be rather called, is more particularly dangerous: in the spring, when the bears first come forth, after having subsisted, as is universally asserted here, on sucking their paws through the winter; and especially if the frost happen to be severe, and the ice not to be broken up in the lake at that time, by which means they are deprived of their ordinary and expected food. Under these circumstances, they soon become exceedingly famished, and

fierce and savage in proportion. They will pursue the natives by the scent; and, as they now prowl about out of their usual tracks, frequently come upon them unawares; and when this happens, as the Kamtschadales have not the smallest notion of shooting flying, nor even at an animal running, or in any way except with their piece on a rest, the bear-hunters often fall a sacrifice to their hunger. The other season in which it is dangerous to come in their way, is at the time of their copulation, which is generally about this time of the year.

      An extraordinary instance of natural affection in these animals hath been already mentioned. The chace affords a variety of a similar nature, and not less affecting; many of which were related to me. The Kamtschadales derive great advantage in hunting, from this circumstance. They never venture to fire upon a young bear, when the mother is near: for, if the cub drop, she becomes enraged to a degree little short of madness; and if she get sight of the enemy, will only quit her revenge with her life. On the contrary, if the dam be shot, the cubs will not leave her side, even after she has been dead a long time; but continue about her, shewing, by a variety of affecting actions and gestures, marks of the deepest affliction, and thus become an easy prey to the hunters.

      Nor is the sagacity of the bears, if the Kamtschadales are to be credited, less extraordinary, or less worthy to be remarked, than their natural affection. Of this they have a thousand stories to relate. I shall content myself with mentioning one instance, which the natives speak of as a wellknown fact; and that is, the stratagem they have recourse to, in order to catch the bareins, which are considerably

too swift of foot for them. These animals keep together in large herds; they frequent mostly the low grounds, and love to browse at the feet of rocks and precipices. The bear hunts them by scent, till he come in sight; when he advances warily, keeping above them, and concealing himself amongst the rocks, as he makes his approaches, till he gets immediately over them, and nigh enough for his purpose. He then begins to push down, with his paws, pieces of the rock amongst the herd below. This manœuvre is not followed by any attempt to pursue, until he find he has maimed one of the flock, upon which a course immediately ensues, that proves successful, or otherwise, according to the hurt the barein has received.

      I cannot conclude this digression, without observing, that the Kamtschadales very thankfully acknowledge their obligations to the bears for what little advancement they have hitherto made, either in the sciences or polite arts. They confess that they owe to them all their skill both in physic and surgery; that by remarking with what herbs these animals rub the wounds they have received, and what they have recourse to when sick and languid, they have become acquainted with most of the simples in use among them, either in the way of internal medicine, or external application. But what will appear somewhat more singular, is, they acknowledge the bears likewise for their dancing masters. Indeed, the evidence of one's senses puts this out of dispute; for the bear-dance of the Kamtschadales is an exact counterpart of every attitude and gesture peculiar to this animal, through its various functions; and this is the foundation and ground-work of all their other dances, and what they value themselves most upon.

      I returned to the ships on the 28th, very well pleased with my excursion, as it had afforded me an opportunity of seeing a little more of the country, and of observing the manners and behaviour of the Kamtschadales, when freed from that constraint, which they evidently lie under in the company of the Russians.

      No occurrence worth mentioning took place till the 30th, when Captain Gore went to Paratounca, to put up in the church there an escutcheon, prepared by Mr. Webber, with an inscription upon it, setting forth Captain Clerke's age and rank, and the object of the expedition in which he was engaged at the time of his decease. We also affixed to the tree, under which he was buried, a board, with an inscription upon it to the same effect.

      Before his departure, Captain Gore left orders with me to get the ships out of the harbour into the bay, to be in readiness to fail. We were prevented from doing this, by a violent gale of wind, which lasted the whole day of the first of October, However, on the 2d, both ships warped out of the harbour, clear of the narrow passage, and came to anchor in seven fathoms, a quarter of a mile from the ostrog.

      The day before we went out of the harbour, the cattle arrived from Verchnei; and that the men might receive the full benefit of this capital and much-longed-for supply, by consuming it fresh, Captain Gore came to a determination of staying five or six days longer. Nor was this time idly employed. The boats, pumps, sails, and rigging, of both ships, thereby received an additional repair. And Captain Gore, sparing me some molosses, and the use of the Resolution's copper, I was enabled to brew a fortnight's beer for

the crew, and to make a farther provision of ten puncheons of strong spruce essence. The present supply was the more acceptable, as our last calk of spirits, except a small quantity left in reserve for cases of necessity, was now serving out.

      The 3d was the name-day of the Empress; and we could want no inducement to shew it every possible respect. Accordingly Captain Gore invited the Priest of Paratounca, Ivaskin, and the Serjeant, to dinner; and an entertainment was also provided for the inferior officers of the garrison, for the two Toions of Paratounca, and St. Peter and St. Paul, and for the other better sort of Kamtschadale inhabitants. The rest of the natives, of every description, were invited to partake with the ships companies, who had a pound of good fat beef served out to each man; and what remained of our spirits was made into grog, and divided amongst them. A salute of twenty-one guns was fired at the usual hour; and the whole was conducted (considering the part of her dominions it was in) in a manner not unworthy so renowned and magnificent an Empress.

      On the 5th, we received, from Bolcheretsk, a fresh supply of tea, sugar, and tobacco. This present had met Captain Shmaleff on his return, and was accompanied by a letter from him, in which he informed us, that the sloop from Okotsk had arrived during his absence, and that Madame Shmaleff, who was entirely in our interests, had lost no time in dispatching a courier, with the few presents, of which our acceptance was requested.

      The appearance of foul weather, on the 6th and 7th, prevented our unmooring; but on the morning of the 8th, we sailed out toward the mouth of the bay, and hoisted in all

the boats; when the wind, veering to the Southward, flopped our farther progress, and obliged us to drop anchor in ten fathoms; the ostrog bearing due North, half a league distant.

      The weather being foggy, and the wind from the same quarter during the forenoon of the 9th, we continued in our station. At four in the afternoon, we again unmoored; but whilst we were, with great difficulty, weighing our last anchor, I was told that the drummer of the marines had left the boat, which had just returned from the village, and that he was last seen with a kamtschadale woman, to whom his messmates knew he had been much attached, and who had often been observed persuading him to stay behind. Though this man had been long useless to us, from a swelling in his knee, which rendered him lame, yet this made me the more unwilling he should be left behind, to become a miserable burthen, both to the Ruffians and himself. I therefore got the serjeant to fend parties of soldiers, in different directions, in search of him, whilst some of our sailors went to a well known haunt of his in the neighbourhood, where they found him with his woman. On the return of this party, with our deserter, we weighed, and followed the Resolution out of the bay.

      Having at length taken our leave of St. Peter and St. Paul, I shall conclude this chapter with a particular description of Awatska bay, and the coast adjoining; not only because (its three inlets included) it constitutes perhaps the most extensive, and safest, harbour that has yet been discovered; but because it is the only port in this part of the world, capable of admitting ships of any considerable burthen. The term Bay, indeed, is perhaps not applicable, properly speaking,

to a place so well sheltered as Awatska; but then it must be observed, that from the loose, undistinguishing manner, in which navigators have denominated certain situations of sea and land, with respect to each other, bays, roads, sounds, harbours, &c. we have no defined and determinate ideas affixed to these words, sufficient to warrant us in changing a popular name, for one that may appear more proper.

      The entrance into this bay, is in 52° 51′ North latitude, and 158° 48′ East longitude, and lies in the bight of another exteriour bay, formed by Cheepoonskoi Noss, to the North, and Cape Gavareea to the South. The former of these headlands bears from the latter North East by North, three quarters East, and is distant thirty-two leagues. The coast, from Cape Gavareea to the entrance of Awatska Bay, takes a direction nearly North, and is eleven leagues in extent. It consists of a chain of high, ragged cliffs, with detached rocks frequently lying off them. This coast, at a distance, presents, in many parts, an appearance of bays or inlets, but on a nearer approach, the head lands were found connected by low ground.

      Cheepoonskoi Noss bears from the entrance of the bay, East North East a quarter East, and is seventeen leagues distant. On this side, the shore is low and flat, with hills rising behind, to a considerable height. In the latitude of 'Cape Gavareea, there is an error of twenty-one miles in the Russian charts; its true latitude being 52° 21′.

      This striking difference of the land on each side Awatska Bay, with their different bearings, are the best guides to steer for it, in coming from the Southward: and, in approaching it from the Northward, Cheepoonskoi Noss will

make itself very conspicuous; for it is a high projecting head-land, with a considerable extent of level ground, lower than the Noss, uniting it to the continent. It presents the same appearance, whether viewed from the North or South, and will warn the mariner not to be deceived, in imagining Awatska Bay to lie in the bight, which the coast forms to the Northward of this Noss; and which might be the cafe, from the striking resemblance there is between a conical hill within this bight or bay, and one to the South of Awatska Bay.

      I have been thus particular, in giving a minute description of this coast, from our own experience of the want of it. For had we been furnished with a tolerable account of the form of the coast, on each side of Awatska Bay, we should, on our first arrival upon it, have got safely within the bay two days before we did, and thereby have avoided part of the stormy weather, which came on when we were plying off the mouth of the harbour. Besides, from the prevalence of fogs, in these seas, it must frequently happen, that an observation for ascertaining the latitude cannot be got; to which we may add, that the deceptive appearances land makes, when covered with snow, and when viewed through an hazy atmosphere, both which circumstances prevail here, during the greatest part of the year, render the knowledge of a variety of discriminating objects the more necessary.

      Should, however, the weather be clear enough to admit a view of the mountains on the coast in its neighbourhood, these will serve to point out the situation of Awatska Bay, with a great deal of precision. For to the South of it are two high mountains; that which is nearest the bay, is

shaped like a sugar-loaf; the other, which is farther inland; does not appear so high, and is flat at the top. To the North of the bay, are three very conspicuous mountains; the Westernmost is, to appearance, the highest; the next is the volcano mountain, which may be known from the smoke that issues from its top, and likewife from some high table-hills connected with it, and stretching to the Northward: these two are somewhat peaked. The third, and the most Northerly, might perhaps be more properly called a cluster of mountains, as it presents to the sight several flat tops.

      When the navigator has got within the Capes, and into the outward bay, a perpendicular headland, with a light-house erected upon it, will point out the entrance of the bay of Awatska to the Northward. To the Eastward of this head-land lie many sunken rocks, stretching into the sea, to the distance of two or three miles; and which will shew themselves, if there be but a moderate sea or swell. Four miles to the South of the entrance lies a small round island, very distinguishable from being principally composed of high pointed rocks, with one of them strikingly remarkable, as being much larger, more peaked and perpendicular, than the rest.

      It is no way necessary to be equally particular in the description of the bay itself, as of its approaches and environs; since no words can give the mariner so perfect an idea of it, as the annexed plan. From this it will appear, that the entrance is at first near three miles wide, and in the narrowest part one mile and a half, and four miles long, in North North West direction. Within the mouth is a noble bason of twenty-five miles circuit, with the capacious harbours of Tarcinska to the West, of Rakoweena to the

East, and the small one of St.Peter and St.Paul, where we lay, to the North.

      Tarcinska harbour is about three miles in breadth, and twelve in length; it stretches to the East South East, and is separated from the sea, at the bottom, by a narrow neck of land. The road into this harbour is perfectly free from rocks or shoals. We had never less than seven fathoms water, as far as our survey extended; for we were not able to get to the bottom of the harbour on account of the ice.

      The harbour of Rakoweena would deserve the preference over the other two, if its entrance were not impeded by a shoal lying in the middle of the channel; which, in general, will make it necessary to warp in, unless there be a leading wind. It is from one mile to half a mile in width, and three miles long, running at first in a South East, and afterward in an Easterly direction. Its depth is from thirteen to three fathoms.

      St. Peter and St. Paul's is one of the most convenient little harbours I ever saw. It will hold conveniently half a dozen ships, moored head and stern; and is fit for giving them any kind of repairs. The South side is formed by a low sandy neck, exceedingly narrow, on which the ostrog is built; and whose point may almost be touched by ships going in; having three fathoms water close in with it. In the mid channel, which is no more than two hundred and seventy-eight feet across, there is fix fathoms and a half; the deepest water within is seven fathoms; and in every part over a muddy bottom. We found some inconvenience from the toughness of the ground, which constantly broke the messenger, and gave us a great deal of trouble in getting up

the anchors. There is a watering-place at the head of the harbour.

      The plan will likewise point out the shoal that is to be avoided, lying off the Eastern harbour, as well as the spit within the entrance, stretching from the South West shore; and over which there is only three fathoms water. In order to steer clear of the latter, a small island, or perhaps it may rather be called a large detached rock, lying on the West shore of the entrance, is to be shut in with the land to the South of it; and, to steer clear of the former, the Three Needle Rocks, which lie on the East shore of the entrance near the light-house head, are to be kept open with the head-lands (or bluff-heads) that rife to the Northward of the first small bay, or bending, observable on the East side of the entrance. When arrived to the North of the North head-land of the Eastern harbour, the shoal is past.

      In failing into the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, and approaching the village, it is necessary to keep in close to the Eastern shore, in order to avoid a spit, which runs from the head-land to the South West of the town.

      Before I proceed to give a table of the result of our astronomical observations at this place, it may be proper to acquaint the Reader, that the time-keeper we had on board the Resolution, which was an exact copy of that invented by Mr. Harrison, and executed by Mr. Kendal, stopped on the 27th of April, a few days before we first came into Awatska Bay. It had been always kept with the most scrupulous care during the voyage, having never been trusted for a moment into any other hands than those of Captain Cook and mine. No accident could, therefore, have happened to it, to which we could attribute its stopping; nor could it have arisen

from the effects of intense cold, as the thermometer was very little below the freezing point. As soon as the discovery was made, I consulted with Captain Clerk, what course it was best to pursue; whether to let it remain as it was, intirely useless to us, for the purpose of satisfying the curious at home, where it was sure of being examined by proper judges, or suffer it to be inspected by a seaman on board, who had served a regular apprenticeship to a watchmaker in London; and appeared sufficiently knowing in the business, from his success in cleaning and repairing several watches since we had been out. The advantages we had derived from its accuracy made us extremely unwilling to be deprived of its use during the remaining part of the voyage; and that object appeared to us of much greater importance than the small degree of probability, which we understood was all that could be expected, of obtaining any material knowledge respecting its mechanism, by deferring the inspection of it. At the same time, it should be remembered, that the watch had already had a sufficient trial, both in the former voyage, and during the three years we had now had it on board, to ascertain its utility. On these considerations, we took the opportunity of the first clear day, after our arrival in Awatska Bay, of opening the watch, which was done in the Captain's cabin, and in our presence. The watchmaker found no part of the work broken; but, not being able to set it a-going, he proceeded to take off the cock and balance, and cleaned both the pivot-holes, which he found very foul, and the rest of the work rather dirty; he also took off the dial-plate; and, between two teeth of the wheel that carries the second-hand, found a piece of dirt which he imagined to be the principal cause of its stopping. Having afterward put the work together, and oiled

it as sparingly as possible, the watch appeared to go free and well.

      Having received orders the next day to go to Bolcheretsk, the time-keeper was left in the care of Mr. Bayly to compare it with his watch and clock, in order to get its rate. On my return, I was told it had gone for some days with tolerable regularity, losing only from fifteen to seventeen seconds a-day, when it stopped a second time. It was again opened, and the cause of its flopping appeared to be owing to the man having put some part of the work badly together when he first opened it. Being again adjusted, it was found to gain above a minute a day; and, in the attempt to alter the regulator and balance-spring, he broke the latter: He afterward made a new spring; but the watch now went so irregularly, that we made no farther use of it. The poor fellow was not less chagrined than we were, at our bad success; which, however, I am convinced was more owing to the miserable tools he was obliged to work with, and the stiffness his hands had contracted from his ordinary occupation, than to his want of skill.

      For the satisfaction of those who may wish to have a general view of its rate of going, I have added the following table.

      The first and second columns contain the dates when, and the names of the places where, its rate was observed. The third column contains the daily error of its rate, so found from mean time. The fourth column has the longitude of each place, according to the Greenwich rate; that is, calculated on a supposition that the time-keeper had not varied its rate from the time it left Greenwich. But as we had frequent opportunities of ascertaining the variation of

its daily error, or finding its new rate, the fifth column has the longitude according to its last rate, calculated from the true longitude of the place last departed from. The sixth is the true longitude of the place deduced from astronomical observations made by ourselves, and compared with those made by others, whenever such could be obtained. The seventh column shews the difference between the fourth column and the sixth in space; and the eight the same difference in time. The ninth shews the number of months and days in which the error, thus determined, had been accumulating. The difference between the fifth and sixth columns is found in the tenth, and shews the error of the time-keeper, according to its rate last found, in space; and the eleventh, the same error in time. The twelfth contains the time elapsed in failing from the place where the rate was last taken, to the place whose longitude is last determined. The thirteenth and fourteenth contain the state of the air at the time of each observation.

      As persons, unaccustomed to calculations of this fort, may find some difficulty in comprehending the nature of the table, the two following instances will more clearly explain it.

      Thus, on the 24th October, 1776 (first column), at the Cape of Good Hope (second column), we found the daily error in the rate of its going, to be 2″, 26 (third column). The longitude of that place calculated on a supposition, that the rate of the time-keeper had continued the same from the time of our leaving Greenwich, that is, had a regular daily error of 1″,21, is found to be 18° 26′ 30″ East (fourth column). And as its rate at Greenwich is, in this instance, its latest rate, the longitude thus found is the same (fifth column).

The true longitude of the place is 18° 23′ 15″ (sixth column). From whence it appears, that, in our run from Greenwich to the Cape, the watch would have led us into an error only of 3′ 15″ (seventh column), or three miles one quarter; or had varied 13″ of time (eighth column), in four months twentythree days (ninth column), the period between our leaving Greenwich and our arrival at the Cape. As the Greenwich is the latest error, the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth columns will be the same with the seventh and ninth.

      But, on the 22d of February, 1777 (first column), at Queen Charlotte's Sound, New Zealand (second column), the daily error of its rate was found to be 2″,91 (third column). The longitude of this place, according to the Greenwich rate, is 175° 25′ (fourth column). But having found, at the Cape, that it had altered its rate from a daily error of 1′,21, to 2′,26, the longitude corrected by this new rate is found to be 174° 54′ 23″ (fifth column). The true longitude of the place being 174° 23′ 31″ (sixth column); it appears, that, in our run from Greenwich to New Zealand, the error would have been only 1° 1′ 29″ (seventh column), or sixty-one miles and a half, even if we had not had an opportunity of correcting its daily error; or, in other words, that the watch had varied 4′ 6″ (eight column), in eight months eleven days (ninth column). But the longitude as given by its new rate, leaves an error of only 30′ 54″ (tenth column), near thirty-one miles, or, in time, 2′ 3″, 6 (eleventh column); which has been accumulating during our run from the Cape to New Zealand, or in three months, 28° (twelfth column). The thirteenth and fourteenth columns require no explanation.

      From this view of the time-keeper it appears, that, for near two years, it altered its rate very inconsiderably, and therefore, that its error, according to the Greenwich rate, if we had had no opportunities of correcting it, would have amounted only to 2 ¼°. That afterward, at King George's Sound, or Nootka, it was found to have varied exceedingly; of course, the longitude, by its Greenwich rate, was becoming considerably erroneous. About this time, it should be remarked, the thermometer was varying from 65° to 41°. The greatest alteration we ever observed in the watch was, during the three weeks we were cruizing to the North; in which interval, it gave the longitude of the East Cape with a difference of twenty-eight miles. I have marked the longitude of Saint. Peter and Saint Paul, as given by the time-keeper, notwithstanding it flopped a few days before we arrived there; this I was enabled to do, from comparing the longitude it gave the day before it flopped, with that given by Mr. Bayley's watch, and allowing for the error of the latter.

      The use of so accurate a measure of time is sufficiently evident, from its furnishing in itself the means of approximating to the longitude at sea, as may be seen in the above table. But, besides this, we were enabled, by the same means, to give a degree of accuracy to the lunar observations, which they cannot otherwise pretend to; and, at the same time, by reducing a number of those observations to one time, obtain results approaching still nearer the truth. In surveying coasts, and ascertaining the true positions of capes and head-lands, it reaches the utmost degree of practical exactness. On the other hand, it is to be observed, that, lunar observations, in their turn, are absolutely necessary, in order to reap the greatest possible advantages from the time-

keeper; since, by ascertaining the true longitude of places, they discover the error of its rate. The original observations, that were made in the course of this voyage, have been published by order of the board of longitude, and to those I must refer the reader, for his further information on this subject.

      N. B. The observatories were placed on the West side of the village of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.

      It was high water, on the full and change of the moon, at thirty-fix minutes past four, and the greatest rise was

five feet eight inches. The tides were very regular every twelve hours. On the coast, near the bay, the flood came from the South, and the time of high-water was near two hours sooner than in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul.

CHAP. VI.

General Account of Kamtschatka.—Geographical Description.—Rivers.—Soil.—Climate.—Volcanos.—Hot Springs.—Productions.—Vegetables.—Animals.—Birds.—Fish.

      Kamtschatka is the name of a peninsula situated on the Eastern coast of Asia, running nearly North and South, from 52° to 61° North latitude; the longitude of its Southern extremity being 156° 45′ East. The isthmus, which joins it to the continent on the North, lies between the Gulf of Olutorsk and the Gulf of Penshinsk. Its Southern extremity is Cape Lopatka, a word signifying the blade-bone of a man, and is so called from its supposed resemblance to it. The shape of the whole peninsula is not unlike that of a shoe, widening from the toe (which we may suppose to be Cape Lopatka) toward the middle, and narrowing again toward the heel, the neck of land above-mentioned connecting it with the continent. Its greatest breadth is from the mouth of the river Tigil to that of Kamtschatka, and is computed to be two hundred and thirty-six miles, from whence it narrows very gradually toward each extremity.

      It is bounded on the North by the country of the Koriacks; to the South and East, by the North Pacific Ocean; and to the West, by the sea of Okotsk. A chain of high mountains stretches the whole length of the country, from

North to South, dividing it nearly into two equal parts, from whence a great number of rivers take their rise, and empty themselves, on each side, into the Pacific Ocean and the sea of Okotsk.

      There are three rivers of much greater magnitude than the rest; the Bolchoireka, or great river, so called from bolchoia, which signifies great, and reka, a river; the river Kamtschatka, and the Awatska. The first empties itself into the sea of Okotsk, and is navigable, for the Russian galliots, upward of five leagues from its mouth, or within nine miles of Bolcheretsk, a town situated at the conflux of the Goltsoffka and the Bistraia, which here lose themselves in the Bolchoireka. The Bistraia itself is no inconsiderable river. It derives its source from the same mountain with the river Kamtschatka, and, by taking a direct contrary course, affords the Kamtschadales the means of transporting their goods by water, in small canoes, almost across the whole peninsula. The river Kamtschatka, after maintaining a course of near three hundred miles from South to North, winds round to the Eastward, in which direction it empties itself into the ocean, a little to the Southward of Kamtschatkoi Noss. Near the mouth of the Kamtschatka, to the North West, lies the great lake called Nerpitsch, from nerpi, a Kamtschadale word signifying a seal, with which this lake abounds. About twenty miles up the river, reckoning from the mouth of the lake, is a fort called Nishnei Kamtschatska ostrog, where the Russians have built an hospital and barracks, and which, we were informed, is become the principal mart in this country.

      The river Awatska arises from the mountains situated between the Bolchoireka and the Bistraia, and running, from

North West to South East, a course of one hundred miles, falls into the bay of Awatska. The Tigil is likewise a river of considerable size, rising amidst some very high mountains, which lie under the same parallel with Kamtschatkoi Noss, and running, in an even course from South East to North West, falls into the sea of Okotsk. All the other rivers of this peninsula, which are almost infinite in number, are too small to deserve a particular enumeration.

      If I may judge of the soil, from what I saw of its vegetable productions, I should not hesitate in pronouncing it barren in the extreme. Neither in the neighbourhood of the bay, nor in the country I traversed on my journey to Bolcheretsk, nor in any of our hunting expeditions, did I ever meet with the smallest spot of ground that resembled what in England is called a good green turf; or that seemed as if it could be turned to any advantage, either in the way of pasturage, or other mode of cultivation. The face of the country in general was thinly covered with stunted trees, having a bottom of moss, mixed with low weak heath. The whole bore a more striking resemblance to Newfoundland, than to any other part of the world I had ever seen.

      It must however be observed, that I saw at Paratounca three or four stacks of sweet and very fine looking hay; and Major Behm informed me, that many parts of the peninsula, particularly the banks of the river Kamtschatka and the Bistraia, produce grass of great height and strength, which they cut twice-in the summer; and that the hay is of a succulent quality, and particularly well adapted to the fattening of cattle. Indeed it should appear, from the size and fatness of the thirty-fix head that were sent down to us, from the Verchnei ostrog, and which, we were told, were

bred and fattened in the neighbourhood, that they must have had the advantage of both good pastures and meadows. For it is worth our notice, that the first supply we received, consisting of twenty, came to us just at the close of the winter, and before the snow was off the ground, and therefore probably had tasted nothing but hay for the seven preceding months. And this agrees with what is related by Krascheninicoff, that there is no part of the country equal in fertility to that which borders on the River Kamtschatka; and that to the North and South it is much inferior both in point of soil and climate. He relates, that repeated experiments have been made in the culture of oats, barley, and rye, in different quarters near this river, which have generally succeeded; that, in particular, some persons belonging to the convent of Jakutsk, who had settled in that part of the country, had sown barley there, which had yielded an extraordinary increase; and he has no doubt but that wheat, in many parts, particularly near the source of the Bistraia and Kamtschatka, would grow as well as in the generality of countries situated in the same latitude. Perhaps the superior fertility of the country here spoken of may, in a great measure, be accounted for, from its lying in that part of the peninsula, which is by much the widest, and consequently farthest removed from the sea, on each side. The moist chilling fogs, and drizzling weather, which prevail almost perpetually along the coast, must necessarily render the parts adjacent very unfit for all the purposes of agriculture.

      It is natural to suppose, that the severity of the climate must be in due proportion to the general sterility of the soil, of which it is probably the cause. The first time we saw this country was in the beginning of May, 1779, when the whole face of it was covered with snow, from six to eight feet deep.

On the 6th, we had snow, with the wind from the North East. On the 8th of May, at noon, the thermometer Stood at 32°; and, the same day, some of our men were sent on shore to try to cut wood; but the snow was still so deep on the ground, as to render all their attempts fruitless. Nor was it found practicable to proceed in this necessary business, with all the efforts of a very stout party, till the 12th, at which time, the thaw began to advance gradually. The sides of the hills were now in some places free from snow; and, by the beginning of June, it was generally melted from the low lands. On the 15th of June, the day we sailed out of the harbour, the thermometer had never risen higher than 58°, nor the barometer than 30° 04′. The winds blew almost invariably from the Eastward during our stay, and the South East was more prevalent than any other.

      On our return, the 24th of August, the foliage of the trees, and all other sorts of vegetation, seemed to be in the utmost state of perfection. For the remainder of this month, and through September, the weather was very changeable, but in no respect severe. The winds, at the beginning of the month, were, for the most part, Easterly, after which they got round to the West. The greatest height of the thermometer was 65°, the lowest 40°. The barometer's greatest height 30°; its lowest 29° 3′. So that, upon the whole, during this month, an equal and moderate degree of temperature prevailed. But at the beginning of October, the tops of the hills were again covered with new-fallen snow, the wind continuing Westerly.

      In computing the seasons, the spring ought certainly not to be taken into the account. From the middle of June, to the middle of September, may be properly said to constitute

the summer, October may be considered as an autumnal month, from thence, till the middle of June, it is perfect winter. It was toward the end of May that we made our journey, between Bolcheretsk and Awatska, over the snow in sledges.

      It is said that the climate, in the country adjoining to the river Kamtschatka, is not less serene and temperate, than in many parts of Siberia that are under the same latitude. This variation is probably owing to the same causes, to which the superior fertility of the soil in those parts has been before attributed. But it is not in the sterility of the ground alone that the Kamtschadales feel the unfavourable temperature of their climate. The uncertainty of the summer season sometimes prevents their laying up a sufficient stock of dried fish for their winter's provision, and the moisture of the air causes worms to breed in them, which not unfrequently destroy the greatest part.

      I do not remember that we had either thunder or lightning during our stay, excepting on the night of the eruption of the volcano; and, from the account of the inhabitants, they are very seldom troubled with storms of this kind, and never but in a slight degree. The general severity of the winter, as well as the dreadful hurricanes of wind and snow that season brings along with it, cannot be questioned, from the subterraneous habitations the natives are under a necessity of retiring to, for warmth and security. Major Behm told us, that the cold and inclemency of the winter of 1779 was such, that, for several weeks, all intercourse between the inhabitants was intirely stopped, every one being afraid to stir even from one house to another, for fear of being frost-bitten. This extraordinary rigour of climate, in so low

a latitude, may be accounted for, from its being situated to the East of an immense uncultivated tract of country, and from the prevalence of the Westerly winds, blowing over so extensive and cold a continent. The extraordinary violence and impetuosity of the winds, is attributed to the subterraneous sires, the sulphureous exhalations, and the general volcanic disposition of the country.

      This peninsula abounds in volcanos, of which only three have, for some time past, been subject to eruptions. We have already mentioned that which is situated in the neighbourhood of Awatska. Besides this, there are others not less remarkable, according to the account given of them by Krascheninicoff.

      The volcano of Tolbatchick is situated on a neck of ground between the River of Kamtschatka and Tolbatchick. The mountain, from the summit of which the eruptions proceed, is of a considerable height, and terminates in pointed rocks. In the beginning of the year 1739, there issued from it a whirlwind of flames, which reduced to ashes the forests of the neighbouring mountains. This was succeeded by a cloud of smoke, which spread over, and darkened the whole country, till it was dissipated by a shower of cinders, that covered the ground to the distance of thirty miles. Mr. Krascheninicoff, who was at this time on a journey from Bolchoireka to the Kamtschatka ostrog at no great distance from the mountain, relates, that the eruption was preceded by an alarming sound in the woods, which he thought the forerunner of some dreadful storm or hurricane, till three shocks of an earthquake, at about a minute's interval each, convinced him of its real cause; but that he was hindered from approaching nearer the mountain, by the cin-

ders that fell, and prevented him from proceeding on his journey.

      The third volcano is on the top of the mountain of Kamtschatka, which is mentioned as by far the highest in the peninsula. A thick smoke never ceases to ascend from its summit, and it has frequent eruptions, of the most violent and dreadful kind, some of which were much talked of, and seemed to be fresh in the memories of the Kamtschadales.

      The country is likewise said to contain numerous springs of hot water. The only one that I had an opportunity of seeing was at Natchikin ostrog, and hath been already described. Krascheninicoff makes mention of several others, and also of two very extraordinary pits or wells, at the bottom of which the water is seen to boil as in a caldron, with prodigious force and impetuosity; at the same time a dreadful noise issues out of them, and so thick a vapour, that a man cannot be seen through it.

      Of the trees which fell under our notice, the principal are the birch, the poplar, the alder (with the bark of which they stain their leather), many species of the willow, but all small; and two sorts of dwarfish pines or cedars ^*. One of these grows upon the coast, creeping along the ground, and seldom exceeds two feet in height. It was of this sort we made our essence for beer, and found it excellent for the purpose. The other grows on the mountains, to a greater height, and bears a small nut or apple. We were told by the old Toion at St. Peter and St. Paul, that Beering, during

the time he lay in that harbour, first taught them the use of the decoction of these pines, and that it had proved a most excellent remedy for the scurvy; but, whether from the great scarcity of sugar, or from what other cause, we could not learn, we were sorry to find, that it was no longer in use amongst them.

      The birch was by far the most common tree we saw; and of this we remarked three sorts. Two of them fit for timber, and differing only in the texture and colour of the bark; the third of a dwarfish kind. This tree is applied to a great variety of uses by the inhabitants. The liquor which, on tapping, it yields in great abundance, they drink without mixture, or any preparation, as we had frequent opportunities of observing, upon our journey to Bolcheretsk; and found it, ourselves, pleasant and refreshing, but somewhat purgative. The bark they convert into vessels, for almost all their domestic and kitchen purposes; and it is of the wood of this tree the sledges and canoes are also made ^*.

      The birch, and every other kind of tree in the neighbourhood of the bay, were small and stunted; and they are obliged to go many miles up into the country, for wood of a proper size to work into canoes, for the principal timbers of their balagans, and the like uses.

      Besides the trees above mentioned, Krascheninicoff relates, that the larch grows on the banks of the River Kamtschatka, and of those that fall into it, but nowhere else; and that there are firs in the neighbourhood of the River Bere-

zowa; that there is likewise the service-tree (padus foliis annuis); and two species of the white-thorn, one bearing a red, the other a black berry.

      Of the shrub kind, as junipers, the mountain-ash, wild rose-trees, and rasberry-bushes, the country produces great abundance; together with a variety of berries; blue-berries of two sorts, round and oval; partridge-berries; cran-berries; crow-berries, and black-berries. These the natives gather at proper seasons, and preserve, by boiling them into a thick jam, without sugar. They make no inconsiderable part of their winter provisions, and are used as sauce to their dried and salt fish; of which kind of food they are unquestionably excellent correctives. They likewise eat them by themselves, in puddings, and various other ways, and make decoctions of them for their ordinary liquor.

      We met with several wholesome vegetables in a wild state, and in great quantities, such as wild celery, angelica, chervil, garlic, and onions. Upon some few patches of ground in the vallies, we found excellent turnips, and turnip-radishes. Their garden cultivation went no farther; yet from hence I am led to conclude, that many of the hardy sorts of vegetables (such at least as push their roots downward), like carrots, parsnips, and beet, and perhaps potatoes, would thrive tolerably well. Major Behm told me, that some other sorts of kitchen vegetables had been tried, but did not answer; that neither any of the cabbage or lettuce kind would ever head; and that pease and beans shot up very vigorous stalks, flowered and podded, but the pods never filled. He likewise told me, that in the experiments made by himself at Bolcheretsk, with different sorts of farinaceous grain, there generally came up a very high

and strong blade, which eared, but that the ears never yielded flour.

      This short account of the vegetable productions reaches to such parts of the country only as fell within our notice.

      In the neighbourhood of the Kamtschatka River, where (as has been observed both the soil and climate is by much the best in the whole peninsula, garden culture is attended to, and probably with great success, as appears from our having received at the same time, with the second drove of cattle from Verchnei, a present of cucumbers, of very large fine turnips, celery, and some other garden-stuff, of which I do not recollect the kinds.

      There are two plants, which, from the great use made of them, merit a particular mention and description. The first is called by the natives the sarana; and by botanists, Lilium Kamtskatiense flore atro ruvente ^*. The item is about the thickness of that of the tulip, and grows to the height of five inches, is of a purple colour toward the bottom, and green higher up, and hath, growing from it, two tier of leaves of an oval figure, the lower consisting of three leaves, the uppermost of four, in the form of a cross: from the top of the stalk grows a single slower, of an exceedingly dark red colour, in shape resembling the flower of the narcissus, only much smaller: from the centre of the flower, rises a style of a triangular form, and obtuse at the end, which is surrounded by six white stamina, whose extremities are yellow. The root is of the bulbous kind, and resembles, in shape, that of garlic, being much of the same size, but rounder, and having, like that, four or five cloves hanging together. The

plant grows wild, and in considerable abundance: the women are employed in collecting the roots at the beginning of August, which are afterward dried in the fun, and then laid up for use. On our second arrival, this harvest was just over, and had fallen much short of its usual produce. It is a common observation, amongst the Kamtschadales, that the bounty of Providence never fails them, for that such seasons as are most hurtful to the sarana, are always the most favourable for fishing; and that, on the contrary, a bad fishing month is always made up by the exuberance of the sarana harvest. It is used in cookery in various ways. When roasted in embers, it supplies the place of bread, better than any thing the country affords. After being baked in an oven, and pounded, it becomes an excellent substitute for flour and meal of every sort, and in this form is mixed in all their soups, and most of their other dishes. It is esteemed extremely nourishing; has a pleasant bitter taste, and may be eaten every day without cloying. We used to boil these roots, and eat them as potatoes, either alone, or with our meat, and found them very wholesome and pleasant. It has been already mentioned, that this useful plant grows also at Oonalashka, where the roots of it are used, and constitute a considerable part of their food, in like manner as in Kamtschatka.

      The other plant alluded to is called the sweet grass; the botanical description is Heracleum Sibericum foliis pinnatis foliolis quinis intermediis sessilibus, corollulis uniformibus. Hort. Upsal. 65. The time, I took particular notice of it, was in May, when it was about a foot and a half high, had much the appearance of sedge, and was covered with a white down, or dust, which looked exceedingly like the hoar-frost hanging upon

it, and might be rubbed off: it tailed as sweet as sugar; but was hot and pungent. The stalk is hollow, and consists of three or four joints; from each of which arise large leaves, and, when at its full growth, is six feet high.

      This plant was formerly a principal ingredient in the cookery of moll of the Kamtschadale dishes; but since the Ruffians got possession of the country, it has been almost intirely appropriated to the purpose. of distillation. The manner in which it is gathered, prepared, and afterward distilled, is as follows: having cut such stalks as have leaves growing on them, of a proper age (the principal stem, by the time the plant has attained its full growth, having become too dry for their purpose), and scraped off with shells the downy substance on their surface, they are laid in small heaps, till they begin to sweat and smell. On growing dry again, they put them into sacks made of matting; where, after remaining a few days, they are gradually covered with a sweet saccharine powder, which exudes from the hollow of the stalk. From thirty-six pounds of the plant, in this state, they obtain no more than a quarter of a pound of powder. The women, whose province it is to collect and prepare the materials, are obliged to defend their hands with gloves whilst they are scraping the stalks, the rind they remove being of so acrid a quality, as to blister, and even ulcerate whatever it touches.

      The spirit is drawn from the plant in this state by the following process. After steeping bundles of it in hot water, they promote its fermentation in a small vessel, by the help of berries of the gimolost ^*, or of the golubitsa ^†, being careful

to close up well the mouth of the vessel, and to keep it in a warm place whilst the fermentation is going on, which is generally so violent as to occasion a considerable noise, and to agitate the vessel in which it is contained. After drawing off this first liquor, they pour on more hot water, and make a second in the same manner. They then pour both liquor and herbs into a copper still, and draw off the spirit after the usual method. The liquor, thus obtained, is of the strength of brandy; and is called by the natives raka. Two pood (seventy-two pounds) of the plant yield generally one vedro (twenty-five pints) of raka.

      Steller says, that the spirit distilled from this plant, unscraped, is exceedingly prejudicial to the health, and produces the most sudden and terrible nervous effects.

      Besides these, Krascheninicoff mentions a variety of other plants, from whence the inhabitants prepare several decoctions; and which being mixed with their fish, make palatable and wholesome ragouts. Such as the kipri ^*, with which is brewed a pleasant common beverage; and, by boiling this plant and the sweet herb together, in the proportion of one to five of the latter, and fermenting the liquor in the ordinary way, is obtained a strong and excellent vinegar. The leaves of it are used instead of tea; and the pith is dried and mixed in many of their dishes; the morkovai ^†, which is very like angelica; the katkorica ^‡, the root of which they eat indifferently, green or dried; the ikoum ^§; the utchichlei ^∥, which is much eaten with fish: with many others.

      It is said, that the Kamtschadales (before their acquaintance with fire-arms), poisoned their spears and arrows with the juice of the root of the zgate ^*; and that wounds inflicted by them are equally destructive to land and marine animals. The Tschutski are reported to use the same drug for this purpose at present.

      I shall conclude this part of the natural history of Kamtschatka with an account, from the same author, of three plants, which furnish the materials of all their manufactures. The first is the triticum radice perenni spiculis binis lanuginosis ^†, which grows in abundance along the coast. Of the straw of this grass they make a strong sort of matting, which they use not only for their floors, but for sacks, bedcloths, curtains, and a variety of other domestic purposes.

      Of the same materials they also make very neat little bags and baskets, of different forms, and for various uses.

      The plant called bolotnaia, which grows in the marshes, and resembles cyperoides, is gathered in the autumn, and carded like wool, with a comb made of the bones of the sea-swallow; with this, in lieu of linen and woollen clothes, they swath their new-born infants, and use it for a covering next the skin whilst they are young. It is also made into a kind of wadding, and used for the purpose of giving additional warmth to various parts of their clothing.

      There remains still a vulgar and well-known plant, which, as it contributes more effectually to their subsistence than all the rest put together, must not be passed over in silence. This is the nettle; which, as the country produces neither hemp nor flax, supplies the materials, of which are

made their fishing-nets; and without which they could not possibly subsist. For this purpose they cut it down in August; and, after hanging it up in bundles in the shade, under their balagans, the remainder of the summer, treat it like hemp. They then spin it into thread with their fingers, and twist it round a spindle; after which they twine several threads together, according to the different purposes for which it may be designed.

      Though there is little doubt but that many parts of this peninsula would admit of such cultivation as might contribute considerably to the comfort of the inhabitants, yet its real riches must always consist in the number of wild animals it produces; and no labour can ever be turned to so good account as what is employed upon their surrieries. The animals, therefore, which supply these, come next to be considered: and these are the common fox; the float, or ermine; the zibeline, or sable; the isatis, or arctic fox; the varying hare; the mountain rat, or earless marmot; the weasel; the glutton, or wolverene the argali, or wild sheep; rein-deer; bears; wolves; dogs.

      The fox ^* is the most general object of the chace; and they are found in great numbers, and of variety of colours. The most common is the same in species with the European, with this variation, that the colours are more bright and shining; some are of a dark chesnut, others are striped with dark-coloured bars; others have the belly black, and the rest of the body of a light chesnut. Some again are of a very dark brown; some black; others of a stone colour; and there are a few quite white; but these last are very scarce. Their fur is exceedingly thick and fine, and of a

quality much superior to those either of Siberia or America. A variety of artifices are made use of by the hunters to catch this animal, which, in all climates, seems to preserve the same character of craftiness and cunning. Traps of different sorts, some calculated to fall upon them, others to catch them by the feet, others by the head, are amongst the most common; to which may be added, several ingenious contrivances for taking them in nets. Poisoned baits are likewise in use; and the nux vomica is the drug principally employed for this purpose. Before their knowledge of the Ruffians, by which they became acquainted with fire-arms, they also carried bows and arrows to the chace. But since that period, almost every Kamtschadale is provided with a rifle-barrel gun; and, though far from being dextrous in the use of it, its superiority over the former instruments he is ready to acknowledge.

      The sables ^* of Kamtschatka are said to be considerably larger than those of Siberia, and their fur much thicker and brighter, though not of so good a black as those in the neighbourhood of the Olekma and the Vitime ^†, a circumstance which depreciates their value much more than their superiority in other respects enhances it. The sables of the Tigil and Ouka are counted the best in Kamtschatka; and a pair of these sometimes fell for thirty roubles (five pounds sterling). The worst are those of the Southern extremity. The apparatus of the sable hunters consist of a rifle-barrel gun of an exceedingly small bore, a net, and a few bricks: with the first they shoot them when they see them on the trees; the net is to surround the hollow trees in which, when pur-

sued, they take refuge; and the bricks are heated, and put into the cavities, in order to smoke them out.

      I must refer the Reader for an account of the isatis ^*, or arctic fox, to Mr. Pennant's Arctic Zoology, as I never saw either the animal or the skin, which I understand they set no value upon. The varying hare ^† is also neglected on the same account. They are in great abundance; and, as is always the case with this species, turn quite white during the winter. Our shooting parties saw several of this colour the beginning of May, but found them so shy, that they were not able to get within gun-shot.

      The mountain-rat, or earless marmot ^‡, is a beautiful little animal, considerably smaller than a squirrel, and, like it, feeds upon roots, berries, the cedar-apple, &c. which it eats fitting upon its hind-legs, and holding them up to its mouth with the paws. Its skin is much valued by the Kamtschadales, is both warm and light, and of a bright shining colour, forming, like the plumage of some birds, various colours when viewed in different lights.

      The stoat, or ermine ^§, is here held in no estimation, and, consequently, never engages the attention of the hunters, because, as I have heard, its fur is of an ordinary kind. I saw many of these little animals running about; and we bought several of their skins, which were of a bad white, and of a dirty yellow toward the belly. The common weasel ∥ is also neglected, and for the same reason.

      On the contrary, the skin of the glutton, or wolverene ¶ is here in the highest repute; insomuch, that a Kamtscha-

dale looks upon himself as most richly attired, when a small quantity of this fur is seen upon him. The women adorn their hair with its pats, which are white, and considered as an extraordinary piece of finery; and they have a superstitious opinion, that the angels are clad with the skins of those animals. It is said, that this creature is easily tamed, and taught a number of pleasant tricks ^*.

      Having already had occasion to speak as fully as my own knowledge enables me of the bears, and the method of killing them, I shall only here observe, that all those I saw were of a dun brown colour; that they are generally seen in companies of four or five together; that the time they are most abroad is during the season that the fish (which is their principal food) are pushing up from the sea into the rivers, and that they are seldom visible in the winter months ^†.

      Their skins are exceedingly useful. They make both excellent warm matrasses, and coverings for their beds; comfortable bonnets and gloves, and good collars for the dogs harness. Their flesh, and particularly the fat, is considered as great delicacies.

      The wolves are only seen in the winter; at which season they prowl about, as I was told, in large companies, in search of prey.

      There are rein-deer, both wild and tame, in several parts of the peninsula, but none in the neighbourhood of Awatska. It is somewhat singular, that this nation should never have used the rein-deer for the purposes of carriage, in the same manner as their neighbours, both to the North and the Eastward. Their dogs, indeed, seem fully sufficient for all the demands of the natives in their present state; and the breed of Russian horses will, probably, increase with the future necessities of the country. But when it is recollected, that the use of dogs, in a great measure, precludes them from the advantage of bringing up any other domestic animals, it will appear the more extraordinary, that they should not have adopted the services of an animal so much, more gentle as well as powerful.

      The argali, or wild mountain-sheep ^*, an animal, I believe, unknown in Europe (except in Corsica and Sardinia), is here in great plenty. Its skin is like the deer's, but in gait and general appearance, it partakes more of the goat. It has two large twisted horns, sometimes weighing, when at full growth, from twenty-five to thirty pounds, which, in running, it rests upon its back. These creatures are exceedingly nimble and swift, haunt only the molt craggy and mountainous parts, and make their way among the steepest rocks with an agility that is astonishing. The natives work their horns into spoons, and small cups and platters; and have frequently one of a smaller size hanging to a belt, which serves them to drink out of in their hunting expeditions. This animal is gregarious. I frequently tailed the flesh of them, and thought it had a very sweet and delicate flavour; but never had an opportunity of feeing one

alive. I must, therefore, refer the Reader for a particular description of this beautiful animal (for such it is said to be), to the Memoirs of the Academy of Petersburg, Tom. iv. tab. xiii.

      I have already observed, that the dogs of this country are, in shape and mien, exceedingly like the Pomeranian, with this difference, that they are a great deal larger, and the hair somewhat coarser. They are of a variety of colours; but the most general is a light dun, or dirty cream-colour. Toward the end of May, they are all turned loose, and left to provide for themselves through the summer, being sure to return to their respective homes when the snow begins to fall. Their food, in the winter, consists intirely of the head, entrails, and back bones of salmon; which are put aside, and dried for that purpose; and with this diet they are fed but sparingly. The number of dogs must needs be very great, since five are yoked to a sledge, and a sledge carries but one person; so that, on our journey to Bolcheretsk, we required no fewer than an hundred and thirty-nine, at the two stages of Karatchin and Natchikin. It is also to be remarked, that they never make use of bitches for the draft, nor dogs, but those that are cut. The whelps are trained to this business, by being tied to flakes with light leathern thongs, which are made to stretch, and having their victuals plated at a proper distance out of their reach; so that, by constantly pulling and labouring, in order to come at their food, they acquire both the strength of limbs, and the habit of drawing, that are necessary for their future destination.

      The coast and bays of this country are frequented by almost every kind of Northern sea-fowl; and amongst the

rest are the sea-eagles, but not, as at Oonalashka, in great numbers. The rivers inland (if I may judge from what I saw in our journey to Bolcheretsk), are stored with numerous slocks of wild-ducks of various species; one kind of which, in particular, has a most beautiful plumage, and is called, by the natives, a-an-gitche, a word intended to express its cry, which is not less singular than agreeable, consisting of three distinct notes, rising, at equal intervals above each other ^*.

      There is another species called the mountain-duck ^†, which, Steller says, is peculiar to Kamtschatka. The drake is covered with plumage of extraordinary beauty. Besides these, we observed a variety of other water-fowl, which, from their size, seemed to be of the wild-goose kind.

      In the woods through which we passed, were seen several eagles of a prodigious size; but of what species they were, I cannot pretend to determine. These are said to be of three different sorts; the black eagle, with a white head, tail, and legs ^‡; of which the eaglets are as white as snow; the white eagle, so called, though, in fact, it is of a light grey; and the lead, or stone coloured eagle ^§, which is the most common; and probably those I saw were of this sort. Of the hawk, falcon, and bustard-kind, there are great numbers.

      ^* Mr. Steller has made the following scale of its cry:

      For a further account of this bird, I must refer the Reader to Krascheninicoff, Vol. ii. part 4.

      ^† Anas picta, capite pulchrè fasciato. Steller.

      ^‡Falco leucocephalus.

      ^§ Vultur albiulla.

This country likewise affords woodcocks, snipes, and two forts of grouse, or moor-game. Swans are also said to be in great plenty; and, in their entertainments, generally to make a part of the repast, though I do not remember to have seen one on any occasion. The vast abundance of wild-fowl, with which the country is stored, was manifest from the numerous presents we received from the Toion of St. Peter and St. Paul; and which sometimes consisted of twenty brace.

      We met with no amphibious sea-animals on the coast, except seals, with which the bay of Awatska swarmed; as they were, at this time, in pursuit of the salmon that were collecting in shoals, and ready to ascend the rivers. Some of them are said to pursue the fish into the fresh water, and to be found in most of the lakes which communicate with the sea.

      The sea-otters ^* are exactly the same with those we met with at Nootka Sound, which have been already fully described, and where they are in great plenty. They are also said to have been formerly in equal abundance here; but, since the Russians have opened a trade for their skins to China, where they are sold at a price much beyond that of any other kind of fur, they have been hunted almost intirely out of the country. Amongst the Kurile islands they are still caught, though in no great numbers; but are of a superior quality to those of Kamtschatka, or the American coast.

      We are informed, that, on Mednoi and Beering's Island, scarce a sea-otter is now to be found; though it appears

from Muller ^*, that, in his time, they were exceedingly plentiful.

      The Russian voyagers make mention of a great variety of amphibious sea-animals, which are said to frequent these coasts: the reason why we saw no other kinds might be, that this was the season of their migration.

      Not having it in my power to treat these articles more fully, I conclude them with the less regret, since the ingenious Mr. Pennant, has a work, almost ready for publication, intitled, Arctic Zoology; in which the learned will receive full information concerning the animals of this peninsula. This Gentleman has very obligingly communicated to me his Catalogue of Arctic Animals, with references to his Work, and permission to insert it. It will be found at the end of this Chapter; and I feel myself extremely happy in laying it before the Reader, and thereby presenting him with what could have been furnished from no other quarter, one intire view of Kamtschadale zoology.

      Fish may be considered as the staple article of food with which Providence hath supplied the inhabitants of this peninsula; who, in general, must never expect to draw any considerable part of their sustenance either from grain or cattle. It is true, the soil, as has been remarked, affords some good and nourishing roots, and every part of the country abounds in berries; but though these alone would be insufficient for the support of the people, yet, at the same time, they are necessary correctives of the putrescent quality of their dried fish. In short, fish may, with much greater justice, be here called the staff of life, than bread

is in other countries; since it appears, that neither the inhabitants, nor the only domestic animal they have, the dog, could exist without it.

      Whales are frequently seen, both in the sea of Okotsk, and on the side of the Eastern ocean, and, when caught, are turned to a variety of uses. Of the skin they make the soles of their shoes, and straps and thongs for various other purposes. The flesh they eat, and the fat is carefully stored, both for kitchen use, and for their lamps. The whiskers are found to be the best materials for sewing together the seams of their canoes; they likewise make nets of them for the larger kind of fish; and with the under jaw-bones their sledges are shod. They likewise work the bones into knives; and formerly the chains with which their dogs are tied, were made of that material, though at present iron ones are generally used. The intestines they clean, then blow and dry like bladders, and it is in these their oil and grease is stored; and of the nerves and veins, which are both strong, and slip readily, they make excellent snares; so that there is no part of the whale which here does not find its use.

      From the middle of May, till our departure on the 24th of June, we caught great quantities of excellent flat fish, trout, and herrings. Upward of three hundred of the former, besides a number of sea-trout, were dragged out at one hawl of the seine, the 15th of May. These flat fish are firm, and of a good flavour, studded upon the back with round prickly knobs, like turbot, and streaked with dark brown lines, running from the head toward the tail. About the end of May the first herring season begins. They approach in

great shoals, but do not remain long on the coast. They had intirely left the bay before we sailed out of it the first time, but were beginning to revisit it again in October. It has been already mentioned, that the herrings were remarkably fine and large, and that we filled a great part of our empty casks with them. The beginning of June, large quantities of excellent cod were taken; a part of which were likewise salted. We caught too, at different times, numbers of small fish, much resembling a smelt, and once drew out a wolf-fish.

      Notwithstanding this abundance of flat-fish, cod, and herring, it is on the salmon fishery alone that the Kamtschadales depend for their winter provisions. Of these, it is said, by naturalists, there are to be found, on this coast, all the different species that are known to exist, and which the natives formerly characterized by the different months in which they ascend the rivers. They say too, that though the shoals of different sorts are seen to mount the rivers at the same time, yet they never mix with each other; that they always return to the same river in which they were bred, but not till the third summer; that neither the male nor female live to regain the sea; that certain species frequent certain rivers, and are never found in others, though they empty themselves nearly at the same place.

      The first shoals of salmon begin to enter the mouth of the Awatska about the middle of May; and this kind, which is called by the Kamtschadales Tchavitsi, is the largest and most valued. Their length is generally about three feet and a half: they are very deep in proportion, and their average weight is from thirty to forty pounds. The tail is not forked,

but straight. The back is of a dark blue, spotted with black; in other respects they are much like our common salmon. They ascend the river with extraordinary velocity, insomuch that the water is sensibly agitated by their motion; and the Kamtschadales, who are always on the watch for them about the time they are expected, judge of their approach by this circumstance, and immediately let drop their nets before them. We were presented with one of the first that was caught, and given to understand that it was the greatest compliment that could be paid us. Krascheninicoff relates, that formerly the Kamtschadales made a point of eating the first fish they took, with great rejoicings, and a variety of superstitious ceremonies; and that after the Ruffians became their masters, it was for a long time a constant subject of quarrel between them, to whom the first should belong. The season for fishing, for this species, lasts from the middle of May till the end of June.

The other sort is of a smaller kind, weighing only from eight to sixteen pounds; they are known by the general name of the red fish, and begin to collect in the bays, and at the mouths of the rivers, the beginning of June; from which time, till the end of September, they are caught in great quantities both upon the Eastern and Western coast, where any fresh water falls into the sea, and likewise all along the course of the rivers, to their very source. The manner in which they draw their nets within the bay of Awatska, is as follows: They tie one end of the net to a large stone at the water's edge, they then push off in a canoe about twenty yards in a right line, dropping their net as they advance, after which they turn and run out the remainder of the net in a line parallel to the shore; in this

position they wait, concealing themselves very carefully in the boat, and keeping a sharp look-out for the fish, which always direct their course close in with the shore, and whose approach is announced by a rippling in the water, till they find that the shoal has advanced beyond the boat, when they shoot the canoe to shore in a direct line, and never fail of inclosing their prey. Seldom more than two men are employed to a net, who hawl with facility, in this manner, seines larger than ours, to which we appoint a dozen. We at first met with very poor success in our own method of hawling; but after the Kamtschadales had very kindly put us in the way, we were not less successful than themselves. In the rivers, they shoot one net across, and hawl another down the stream to it.

      The lakes that have a communication with the sea, which was the case of all those that I saw, abound with fish, that have very much the resemblance of small salmon, and are from four to six pounds weight. I could not understand that the inhabitants thought it worth their while to fish for them. As these lakes are not deep, they become an easy prey to the bears and dogs during the summer; and if I might judge from the quantity of bones to be seen upon the banks, they devour vast numbers of them.

      The inhabitants, for the most part, dry their salmon, and salt very little of it. Each fish is cut into three pieces, the belly piece being first taken off, and afterward a slice along each side the back-bone. The former of these are dried and smoked, and esteemed the finest part of the fish, and sold, when we were at St. Peter's and St. Paul's, at the rate of one hundred for a rouble. The latter are dried in the

air, and either eaten whole as bread, or reduced to powder, of which they make paste and cakes, that are not unpleasant to the taste. The head, tail, and bones, are hung up and dried for winter provision for the dogs.